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The media is often viewed as a primary gauge which reflects the changing political landscape as societies transition from authoritarian regimes to democracies. Chronicling the process through media analysis provides deeper insights into the relationship between technology, the state, and social forces that are reflected in the public’s communications. This volume explores the challenges and political conditions that have shaped the media in several representative studies of the media in the Middle East, Asia, Eastern Europe, and Africa. The contributors analyse the legacy of the past on the development of the media in post-authoritarian regimes and explore the relationships between media, communication industries (public relations), and politics. The use of new communications technologies to manipulate the media and the public introduce a novel use of social media by populists as well as authoritarian regimes and their proxies. This book presents a comparative and global investigation of the role of the media in the realignment from established policies to an emerging milieu of new channels of communication that challenge traditional media practices.
The media is often viewed as a primary gauge which reflects the changing political landscape as societies transition from authoritarian regimes to democracies. Chronicling the process through media analysis provides deeper insights into the relationship between technology, the state, and social forces that are reflected in the public's communications. This volume explores the challenges and political conditions that have shaped the media in several representative studies of the media in the Middle East, Asia, Eastern Europe, and Africa. The contributors analyse the legacy of the past on the development of the media in post-authoritarian regimes and explore the relationships between media, communication industries (public relations), and politics. The use of new communications technologies to manipulate the media and the public introduce a novel use of social media by populists as well as authoritarian regimes and their proxies. This book presents a comparative and global investigation of the role of the media in the realignment from established policies to an emerging milieu of new channels of communication that challenge traditional media practices.
After President Trump’s election, BREXIT and the widespread rise of far-Right political parties, much public discussion has intensely focused on populism and authoritarianism. In the middle of the twentieth century, members of the early Frankfurt School prolifically studied and theorized fascism and anti-Semitism in Germany and the United States. In this volume, leading European and American scholars apply insights from the early Frankfurt School to present-day authoritarian populism, including the Trump phenomenon and related developments across the globe. Chapters are arranged into three sections exploring different aspects of the topic: theories, historical foundations, and manifestations via social media. Contributions examine the vital political, psychological and anthropological theories of early Frankfurt School thinkers, and how their insights could be applied now amidst the insecurities and confusions of twenty-first century life. The many theorists considered include Adorno, Fromm, Löwenthal and Marcuse, alongside analysis of Austrian Facebook pages and Trump’s tweets and operatic media drama. This book is a major contribution towards deeper understanding of populism’s resurgence in the age of digital capitalism.
Populism is on the rise across the globe. Authoritarian populist leaders have taken over and solidified their control over many countries. Their power has been cemented during the global coronavirus pandemic, though perhaps the defeat of populist-in-chief Donald Trump in the 2020 US presidential election (despite his continuing protestations to the contrary) has seen the start of the waning of this phenomenon? In the UK Brexit is 'done'; Britain is firmly out of the EU; Covid is vaccinated against; and Boris Johnson has a huge parliamentary majority and, despite never-ending problems, of his own and others' making, his grip on power with a parliamentary majority of more than 80, still seems secure. Meanwhile culture wars continue to rage. How has media, worldwide, contributed, fulled or fought this populism. Cheerleaders? Critics? Supplicants? This book examines those questions in 360 degrees with a distinguished cast of authors from journalism and academia.
Aims to show that populism has suffered from being considered, usually in relation to particular contexts, and has therefore become a rather fractured and elusive concept. This book also seeks to provide a different definition of populism, a survey of other definitions and perspectives, and a guide to populist politics around the world.
The main area of sustained populist growth in recent decades has been Western Europe, where populist parties have not only endured longer than expected, but have increasingly begun to enter government. Focusing on three high-profile cases in Italy and Switzerland – the Popolo della Libertà (PDL), Lega Nord (LN) and Schweizerische Volkspartei (SVP) – Populists in Power is the first in-depth comparative study to examine whether these parties are indeed doomed to failure in office as many commentators have claimed. Albertazzi and McDonnell’s findings run contrary to much of the received wisdom. Based on extensive original research and fieldwork, they show that populist parties can be built to last, can achieve key policy victories and can survive the experience of government, without losing the support of either the voters or those within their parties. Contributing a new perspective to studies in populist politics, Populists in Power is essential reading for undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as scholars interested in modern government, parties and politics.
Liberation Technology brings together cutting-edge scholarship from scholars and practitioners at the forefront of this burgeoning field of study. An introductory section defines the debate with a foundational piece on liberation technology and is then followed by essays discussing the popular dichotomy of liberation'' versus "control" with regard to the Internet and the sociopolitical dimensions of such controls. Additional chapters delve into the cases of individual countries: China, Egypt, Iran, and Tunisia.
Although politics at the elite level has been polarized for some time, a scholarly controversy has raged over whether ordinary Americans are polarized. This book argues that they are and that the reason is growing polarization of worldviews - what guides people's view of right and wrong and good and evil. These differences in worldview are rooted in what Marc J. Hetherington and Jonathan D. Weiler describe as authoritarianism. They show that differences of opinion concerning the most provocative issues on the contemporary issue agenda - about race, gay marriage, illegal immigration, and the use of force to resolve security problems - reflect differences in individuals' levels of authoritarianism. Events and strategic political decisions have conspired to make all these considerations more salient. The authors demonstrate that the left and the right have coalesced around these opposing worldviews, which has provided politics with more incandescent hues than before.
Are liberal democracies in decline? If they are, what role does populism play in this? What can and should democracies do to defend their core features against 'democratic decay'? And which features can be considered essential? These are difficult questions further complicated by the realisation that their answers depend on perspective. Populism and democratic decay are global phenomena but they play out differently in different countries and regions. They also cannot be properly understood through the lens of one discipline alone. This book brings together scholars of political science and law, who look at populism, democratic decay, and possible means to protect democratic constitutionalism from global, regional (European) and national angles. The book is made up of two parts. The first part discusses general aspects of populism. The second part of the book consists of seven country reports and one regional report; each analysing the success or failure of national constitutional safeguards against populism in the local constitutional and socio-political context. From East-Central Europe to the United Kingdom, from Italy to the Philippines, the pictures painted in these articles are diverse, yet enlightening and relevant from a comparative perspective. This volume is part of a research project on populism and democracy conducted at Maastricht University, Faculty of Law, and funded by the Statesman Thorbecke Fund at the Dutch Royal Academy of Sciences (knaw).
Populism is a central concept in the current media debates about politics and elections. However, like most political buzzwords, the term often floats from one meaning to another, and both social scientists and journalists use it to denote diverse phenomena. What is populism really? Who are the populist leaders? And what is the relationship between populism and democracy? This book answers these questions in a simple and persuasive way, offering a swift guide to populism in theory and practice. Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser present populism as an ideology that divides society into two antagonistic camps, the "pure people" versus the "corrupt elite," and that privileges the general will of the people above all else. They illustrate the practical power of this ideology through a survey of representative populist movements of the modern era: European right-wing parties, left-wing presidents in Latin America, and the Tea Party movement in the United States. The authors delve into the ambivalent personalities of charismatic populist leaders such as Juan Domingo Péron, H. Ross Perot, Jean-Marie le Pen, Silvio Berlusconi, and Hugo Chávez. If the strong male leader embodies the mainstream form of populism, many resolute women, such as Eva Péron, Pauline Hanson, and Sarah Palin, have also succeeded in building a populist status, often by exploiting gendered notions of society. Although populism is ultimately part of democracy, populist movements constitute an increasing challenge to democratic politics. Comparing political trends across different countries, this compelling book debates what the long-term consequences of this challenge could be, as it turns the spotlight on the bewildering effect of populism on today's political and social life.