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While potential security complications vis-a-vis Indonesia have long dominated Australian strategic calculations, the emergence of a more assertive China from 2010, especially with regards to its territorial and maritime claims in the East and South China Seas, has started to attract Australian attention. Such Chinese assertiveness has caused Australian officials and strategists to think more deeply and widely about their country's strategic interests in the region beyond its traditional priorities of ensuring its capacity to repel direct and hostile attacks to its territory, and preserving order in its traditional sphere of influence in the South Pacific.
Under the current Tony Abbott government, Australia's views of China's strategic engagement and motivations in the region do not differ substantially from many of the predominant views held in Southeast Asian capitals. Similarly, Australia's strategic response to deepen its alliance with the U.S., forge new security partnerships with like-minded countries such as Japan, and strengthen the U.S.-led strategic order in a number of bilateral and multilateral approaches is reflective of regional trends, even though Canberra (as a formal U.S. ally) is more committed to balancing with the U.S. vis-à-vis China than many other countries at this stage. Australia's geo-strategic depth, lack of territorial and maritime disputes with other Asian countries, and alliance with the U.S. has offered the country's non-governmental strategists and influential thinkers a degree of 'freedom' in speculating about strategic policy for the future. This has allowed some unconventional ideas to emanate from respected Australian experts and commentators about strategic policy.
Under the current Tony Abbott government, Australia's views of China's strategic engagement and motivations in the region do not differ substantially from many of the predominant views held in Southeast Asian capitals. Similarly, Australia's strategic response to deepen its alliance with the U.S., forge new security partnerships with like-minded countries such as Japan, and strengthen the U.S.-led strategic order in a number of bilateral and multilateral approaches is reflective of regional trends, even though Canberra (as a formal U.S. ally) is more committed to balancing with the U.S. vis-à-vis China than many other countries at this stage. Australia's geo-strategic depth, lack of territorial and maritime disputes with other Asian countries, and alliance with the U.S. has offered the country's non-governmental strategists and influential thinkers a degree of 'freedom' in speculating about strategic policy for the future. This has allowed some unconventional ideas to emanate from respected Australian experts and commentators about strategic policy.
One of the most pressing policy challenges for Australia and Japan today is ensuring that China’s rise does not threaten the stability of the Asia-Pacific, while also avoiding triggering conflict with their largest trading partner. This book examines how Australian and Japanese perceptions of US primacy shape their respective views of the Asia-Pacific regional order, the robustness of Asia’s alliance system, and the future of Australia-Japan security cooperation.
Disruption has blown the old world apart. The rise of China, Trump’s America First policies, division within Europe and successful defiance by authoritarian states are affecting the shape of the emerging new order. Human rights, rule of law, free media and longstanding global institutions all seem set to be weakened. Autocracies are exercising greater control over world affairs. Australia will need to engage heightened levels of diplomacy to forge relations with countries of opposing principles. It will need to be agile in pursuing a realistic foreign policy agenda. China’s Grand Strategy and Australia’s Future in the New Global Order contains answers for how Australia must position itself for this possibly dystopian future.
As the strategic rivalry between the United States and China rapidly deepens, growing distrust and fears of China are once again shaping Australian media coverage and public discourse, with potent implications for Australia's China policy. At this crucial historical moment, Engaging China offers a full-throated defence of engagement. This volume brings together a diverse set of Australia's seasoned diplomats, experienced journalists and renowned scholars to assess the current state of Australia-China relations and offer pragmatic advice for how Australia can restore a healthy and stable relationship with China. Over the past five decades, Australia's engagement of China has facilitated a deepening economic relationship alongside expanded cultural, educational and people-to-people exchanges, fostering greater understanding between the two countries and populations. The contributors to this volume share a common vision: Australia and Australians should continue to engage with China and Chinese people for mutual benefit. The chapters take stock of past achievements, identify recent challenges and offer practical suggestions for how the Australian government and Australian firms, institutions and individuals can proactively, productively and securely engage with China. Australia's rich and diverse relations with China extend far beyond the political and economic interactions that tend to dominate news headlines. In explaining how and why an engagement strategy continues to serve Australian interests, Engaging China offers a timely alternative to the prevailing public and policy discourses on Australia's most challenging bilateral relationship. "This book offers important insights on Australia's most difficult and consequential foreign-policy challenge. The authoritative authors transcend the simplistic pro-China v anti-China dichotomies that distort so much of our national debate, to capture the true complexity of the issues and explore the real opportunities to manage relations with China to our long-term advantage. It is a fine example of exactly the kind of contribution we need to help us navigate our region's economic and strategic transformation in the difficult decades ahead." Hugh White AO, Emeritus Professor of Strategic Studies at the Australian National University
Analyses the process of economic change in Northeast Asia and assesses its implications for Australia. Recommendations are included for policy and other responses which would increase the economic, political and wider benefits to Australia.
With the end of the Cold War, Australian foreign relations stand at a crucial juncture. What role should the alliance with the United States play ina region dominated by the rise of Asia, and in a world in which security is understood as much in terms of economic potential as of armaments? How much reliance should be placed on global regimes, and what part should Australia play in the formation of Asia-Pacific collaborative arrangements? This volume details the response of the Australianforeign policy making community to the challenges facing the country as it looks to the 21st century. Comprehensive accounts are provided of Australias defence policy, Australias policies on disarmament and arms control, Australias place in the world economy, Australias contribution to dealing with international environmental problems, and Australias vital bi-lateral relationships. The major focus of the book is on Australias policy of engagement with Asia. For the past five decades, the Australian Institute of International Affairs survey series, Australia in World Affairs, has been regarded as the authoritative account of Australian foreign policy making. This volume continues that tradition, and will be of interest to students of international relations, political science, history, and Asian studies.
A war between China and the US would be catastrophic, deadly, and destructive. Unfortunately, it is no longer unthinkable. The relationship between the US and China, the world’s two superpowers, is peculiarly volatile. It rests on a seismic fault—of cultural misunderstanding, historical grievance, and ideological incompatibility. No other nations are so quick to offend and be offended. Their militaries play a dangerous game of chicken, corporations steal intellectual property, intelligence satellites peer, and AI technicians plot. The capacity for either country to cross a fatal line grows daily. Kevin Rudd, a former Australian prime minister who has studied, lived in, and worked with China for more than forty years, is one of the very few people who can offer real insight into the mindsets of the leadership whose judgment will determine if a war will be fought. The Avoidable War demystifies the actions of both sides, explaining and translating them for the benefit of the other. Geopolitical disaster is still avoidable, but only if these two giants can find a way to coexist without betraying their core interests through what Rudd calls “managed strategic competition.” Should they fail, down that path lies the possibility of a war that could rewrite the future of both countries, and the world.
As in other Asia-Pacific countries, boosting trade with China has provided a growth engine for Australia's economy. Australia shared concerns over security threats posed by China's military expansion, but up until the mid-2010s hard balancing against China did not seem to be an option for Australia. Australia's recent moves against China, however, signal that Canberra has reset its China policy, with an overhaul of its national security and defense strategy. The shift of Australia's China policy is an interesting case to explore how the regional order is likely to evolve in the growing US-China competition. Assessing Australia's recent foreign policy is also relevant to Korea, both in terms of navigating Korea's relations with the US and China and enhancing strategic ties between Australia and Korea. Against this backdrop, this study unravels Australia's strategic responses to the changing regional order and draw implications for Korea's foreign policy.