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The book focuses on the main security threats, defence industry, arms trade, defence policies and military capabilities related issues in the Asia-Pacific region. There are only a very few regions in the world which have advanced so fast both economically and technologically as the Asia-Pacific in the past few decades. Probably this is one of the reasons why several countries in the region have gained confidence, sharpened their diplomatic tone, increased their defence expenditure, invested into military capabilities, and questioned both the local and global status-quo. The region contains emerging powers, far-reaching ambitions, threatening rhetoric, rising political tensions, and concerns about military conflicts. Factors that show that critical issues are at stake, the reopening of long-forgotten debates, are more relevant than ever and masses of uncertainties are yet to be resolved. This book will be of much interest to all students and scholars of Asia-Pacific Security, Asian politics and International Relations in general. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Defense & Security Analysis.
This important report was issued by the Department of Defense in June 2019. The Indo-Pacific is the Department of Defense's priority theater. The United States is a Pacific nation; we are linked to our Indo-Pacific neighbors through unbreakable bonds of shared history, culture, commerce, and values. We have an enduring commitment to uphold a free and open Indo-Pacific in which all nations, large and small, are secure in their sovereignty and able to pursue economic growth consistent with accepted international rules, norms, and principles of fair competition. The continuity of our shared strategic vision is uninterrupted despite an increasingly complex security environment. Inter-state strategic competition, defined by geopolitical rivalry between free and repressive world order visions, is the primary concern for U.S. national security. In particular, the People's Republic of China, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, seeks to reorder the region to its advantage by leveraging military modernization, influence operations, and predatory economics to coerce other nations. In contrast, the Department of Defense supports choices that promote long-term peace and prosperity for all in the Indo-Pacific. We will not accept policies or actions that threaten or undermine the rules-based international order - an order that benefits all nations. We are committed to defending and enhancing these shared values.China's economic, political, and military rise is one of the defining elements of the 21st century. Today, the Indo-Pacific increasingly is confronted with a more confident and assertive China that is willing to accept friction in the pursuit of a more expansive set of political, economic, and security interests. Perhaps no country has benefited more from the free and open regional and international system than China, which has witnessed the rise of hundreds of millions from poverty to growing prosperity and security. Yet while the Chinese people aspire to free markets, justice, and the rule of law, the People's Republic of China (PRC), under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), undermines the international system from within by exploiting its benefits while simultaneously eroding the values and principles of the rules-based order.This compilation includes a reproduction of the 2019 Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community. 1. Introduction * 1.1. America's Historic Ties to the Indo-Pacific * 1.2. Vision and Principles for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific * 2. Indo-Pacific Strategic Landscape: Trends and Challenges * 2.1. The People's Republic of China as a Revisionist Power * 2.2. Russia as a Revitalized Malign Actor * 2.3. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea as a Rogue State * 2.4. Prevalence of Transnational Challenges * 3. U.S. National Interests and Defense Strategy * 3.1. U.S. National Interests * 3.2. U.S. National Defense Strategy * 4. Sustaining U.S. Influence to Achieve Regional Objectives * 4.1. Line of Effort 1: Preparedness * 4.2. Line of Effort 2: Partnerships * 4.3. Line of Effort 3: Promoting a Networked Region * Conclusion
The Asia-Pacific Regional Security Assessment 2021 provides insight into key regional strategic, geopolitical, economic, military and security topics. Among the topics explored are: US−China decoupling and its regional security implications; Japan’s security policy and China; India’s emerging grand strategy; Southeast Asia amid rising great-power rivalry; Australia’s new regional security posture; NATO’s evolving approach to China; The United Kingdom’s ‘tilt’ to the Indo-Pacific; and Emerging technologies and future conflict in the Asia-Pacific. Authors include leading regional analysts and academics Kanti Bajpai, Gordon Flake, Franz-Stefan Gady, Prashanth Parameswaran, Alessio Patalano, Samir Puri, Sarah Raine, Tan See Seng, Drew Thompson, Ashley Townshend, Joanne Wallis and Robert Ward.
In 2015, Congress tasked the Department of Defense to commission an independent assessment of U.S. military strategy and force posture in the Asia-Pacific, as well as that of U.S. allies and partners, over the next decade. This CSIS study fulfills that congressional requirement. The authors assess U.S. progress to date and recommend initiatives necessary to protect U.S. interests in the Pacific Command area of responsibility through 2025. Four lines of effort are highlighted: (1) Washington needs to continue aligning Asia strategy within the U.S. government and with allies and partners; (2) U.S. leaders should accelerate efforts to strengthen ally and partner capability, capacity, resilience, and interoperability; (3) the United States should sustain and expand U.S. military presence in the Asia-Pacific region; and (4) the United States should accelerate development of innovative capabilities and concepts for U.S. forces.
The Asia-Pacific Regional Security Assessment provides insight into key regional strategic, geopolitical, economic, military and security topics. Among the topics explored are: the deteriorating USChina relationship and great-power competition; US alliances and security partnerships; the collapse of the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty; diplomatic gridlock on the Korean Peninsula; Japan’s role in Indo-Pacific security; the breakdown in Japan–South Korea relations; Indonesian policy towards the South China Sea; Australia’s defence and security outlook; the European security role in Asia. Authors include leading regional analysts and academics Douglas Barrie, William Choong, Aaron Connelly, Andrew Davies, Michael Elleman, Bonnie S. Glaser, Euan Graham, Christopher W. Hughes, Meia Nouwens, Brendan Taylor and William Tow.
Southeast Asian countries represent a wide range of approaches to military modernisation due to their great diversity in politics, economies, geography and other factors. Bounded by the Pacific and Indian Oceans and located between China and India is the setting for the geostrategic impacts of military modernisation in Southeast Asian countries. Differing from previous research focused on military acquisition, this book additionally covers retention of assets and carefully examines the ageing issues that affect readiness and capabilities. In doing so, it provides a comprehensive view of military modernisation. This book also compares each country’s situation in the region in terms of military strength and security challenges to elaborate on the geostrategic impacts of military modernisation. The ten cases of military modernisation in the post-Cold War context provide rich content for readers to explore the evolution of military modernisation in developing countries after 1991. This book sheds light on security studies of Southeast Asia and is a useful resource for academic researchers, policy-makers and defence practitioners.
This comprehensive 2002 book is an overview of security issues in the Asia-Pacific. It is also an argument for a strategy that promises to achieve greater regional stability. It argues that current approaches by policy-makers increase the likelihood of conflict. Instead, it proposes that a strategy of 'convergent security' be adopted to build a more enduring and peaceful regional security framework. A concise survey of key approaches to regional security politics, it presents a vast selection of empirical discussion, both historical and current. Assessing the outlook for the three powers most likely to vie for regional dominance - the United States, China and Japan - the book also reviews the prospects for other secondary powers, including Korea and Taiwan and analyses the role of Australia and the ASEAN nations of Southeast Asia. Unique, accessible, authoritative and broad-ranging survey designed for a wide body of analysts and students of contemporary Asian politics and strategy.
The Asia Pacific Security Outlook series provides assessments of the security environment, defense issues, and regional and global cooperation from the perspectives of countries that participate in the ASEAN Regional Forum. This ninth edition reports on the impact of such recent trends and events as the continuing slow-motion crisis over North Korea's nuclear program and other potential proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; further terrorist attacks combined with the forces of radical Islamism and regional rebellion that threaten numerous countries in the region; stresses in the relations of major regional powers, including China's relations with the United States (especially over Taiwan) and Japan; and new questions about the long-term future of a U.S. presence in the region. Adding the toll of natural disasters, disease, and persistent poverty, human security is under threat virtually throughout the region. Based on the work and expertise of a multinational team of security analysts and written for generalists and specialists alike, the Outlook is the most concise and authentic comparative work in this field. Contributors include Ross Cottrill (Australian Institute of International Affairs), Allen G. Sens (University of British Columbia), Martin Wagener (University of Trier, Germany), Philips Vermonte (Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Indonesia), Ken Jimbo (Japan Forum for International Relations), Kim Sung-han, (Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, ROK), Elina Noor (Institute of Strategic and International Studies, Malaysia), Bayarmagnai Toinkhuu (Institute for Strategic Studies, Mongolia), Peter Cozens (Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand), Victor Cha (Georgetown University), Ronald J. May (Australian National University), Noel M. Morada (Institute for Strategic and Development Studies, Phillipines), Sergey Sevastyanov (Vladivostok State University of Economics, Russia), Yeo Lay Hwee (Singapore Institute of International Affairs), Mallika Joseph (Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, India), Sakkarin Niyomsilpa (Kasikorn Research Center, Institute of Security and International Studies, Thailand), Hoang Anh Tuan (Research Institute for International Relations, Vietnam), Richard W. Baker (East-West Center), and Charles E. Morrison (East-West Center).