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La negociación del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre EE.UU., Centroamérica y República Dominicana (CAFTA-DR -Central American Free Trade Agreement-Dominican Republic-) dio inicio en enero de 2003 con el objetivo de conformar una zona de libre comercio entre las partes. El proceso de negociación del CAFTA-DR no fue sencillo para los países centroamericanos por la asimetría existentes entre ellos y EE.UU. en términos de poder, tamaño de las economías y niveles de desarrollo; por la gran cantidad y diversidad de temas incluidos, así como por la naturaleza multidimensional del proceso; y, finalmente, porque la negociación con EE.UU. es muy dura. No obstante ello, los países de la región utilizaron la negociación adecuadamente en defensa de sus intereses comerciales, alcanzando buena parte de los objetivos identificados al inicio del proceso. Si bien cada proceso de negociación comercial es único, es posible identificar, sobre la base de la experiencia de negociación del CAFTA-DR, algunas lecciones aprendidas que pueden guiar la participación en un proceso de esta naturaleza con EE.UU.
Between 1920 and 1940, Cuba underwent a remarkable transition, moving from oligarchic rule to a nominal constitutional democracy. The events of this period are crucial to a full understanding of the nation's political evolution, yet they are often glossed
Women make up the vast majority of activists and organizers of grassroots movements fighting against environmental ills that threaten poor and people of color communities. [This] collection of essays ... pays tribute to the ... contributions women have made in these endeavors. The writers offer varied examples of environmental justice issues such as children's environmental-health campaigns, cancer research, AIDS/HIV activism, the Environmental Genome Project, and popular culture, among many others. Each one focuses on gender and sexuality as crucial factors in women's or gay men's activism and applies environmental justice principles to related struggles for sexual justice. Drawing on a wide variety of disciplinary perspectives, the contributors offer multiple vantage points on gender, sexuality, and activism.-Back cover.
Do environmental problems and processes produce violence? Current U.S. policy about environmental conflict and scholarly work on environmental security assume direct causal links between population growth, resource scarcity, and violence. This belief, a staple of governmental decision-making during both Clinton administrations and widely held in the environmental security field, depends on particular assumptions about the nature of the state, the role of population growth, and the causes of environmental degradation.The conventional understanding of environmental security, and its assumptions about the relation between violence and the environment, are challenged and refuted in Violent Environments. Chapters by geographers, historians, anthropologists, and sociologists include accounts of ethnic war in Indonesia, petro-violence in Nigeria and Ecuador, wildlife conservation in Tanzania, and "friendly fire" at Russia's nuclear weapons sites. Violent Environments portrays violence as a site-specific phenomenon rooted in local histories and societies, yet connected to larger processes of material transformation and power relations. The authors argue that specific resource environments, including tropical forests and oil reserves, and environmental processes (such as deforestation, conservation, or resource abundance) are constituted by and in part constitute the political economy of access to and control over resources. Violent Environments demands new approaches to an international set of complex problems, powerfully arguing for deeper, more ethnographically informed analyses of the circumstances and processes that cause violence.