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The past ten years have seen a revival of interest in the recent history of the British labour movement, and particularly in the alleged 'lost opportunity'for a British revolution at some stage between 1900 and 1926. What is attempted here is a reassessment of the radical politics of the 1930's, a decade also mythologized in the recent past as one in which British intellectuals were either 'fellow-travelling' with Stalin or 'moving towards Marxism', depending on your point of view. My concern is not centrally with those poets, writers and scientists whose memoirs of the 'RedThirties' are readily avai.
Despite London's gleaming surface, the city has another side, one of secrets, dilapidation, and mystery. Wander through disused Underground stations; ornate Victorian sewers and waterworks; crumbling but beautiful Art Deco cinemas and empty swimming pools; bombed-out churches and eerie docklands; and ruined mansions and overgrown cemeteries, all haunting relics from a time gone by. Arranged thematically from transport and industry to residential and recreational, these entries cover both the modern city and the historical metropolis.
First published in 1983, Britain, Europe and the World 1850-1986 examines the history of Britain’s international situation and foreign policy in relation to her domestic circumstances from the middle of the nineteenth century to the late twentieth century to provide answers to the following questions, among others: What did it mean for Britain to be ‘a great power’ in the nineteenth century? Why is she no longer one? Could anything have been done to prevent her ‘decline’? It is an unusual interpretation, undermining many of the most pervasive present-day myths about Britain’s past. Some of its conclusions will be unexpected. The reissue contains a new preface in which the author brings the reader up to date with the changes Britain has gone through since the book was first published. It has been written for students of British history and diplomacy at all levels, and for anyone interested in finding out why the British have come to be where they find themselves now.
Shortly after it was founded in 1947, the CIA launched a secret effort to win the Cold War allegiance of the British left. Hugh Wilford traces the story of this campaign from its origins in Washington DC to its impact on Labour Party politicians, trade unionists, and Bloomsbury intellectuals
In The New Left, National Identity, and the Break-Up of Britain Wade Matthews charts the nexus between socialism and national identity in the work of key New Left intellectuals, E.P. Thompson, Raymond Williams, Stuart Hall, Perry Anderson, and Tom Nairn. Matthews considers these New Left thinkers’ response to Britain’s various national questions, including decolonization and the End of Empire, the rise of European integration and separatist nationalisms in Scotland and Wales, and to the national and nationalist implications of Thatcherism, Cold War and the fall of communism. Matthews establishes a contestatory dialogue around these issues throughout the book based around different New Left perspectives on what has been called “the break-up of Britain.” He demonstrates that national questions where crucial to New Left debates.
This book provides the first book-length study of the political and economic ideas of the British left’s Alternative Economic Strategy in the 1970s and early 1980s. Discussing the AES’s approaches to capitalism, the nation state and the working class, it argues that existing academic accounts have significantly overstated the radicalism of the strategy. Perhaps more notable, especially in the light of its stated ‘revolutionary’ aims, was the extent of its moderation – its continuities with post-war Labour revisionism, its marked reluctance to look beyond the market economy, the degree of its preoccupation with Britain’s global-economic status, and its inability to break with Labourist politics of class co-operation in the national interest. While the book argues that the AES was the last ‘class politics’ socialist initiative in mainstream British politics, it also explores the ways in which its ideas perhaps prepared the way for New Labour in the 1990s, and its relationship with 'Corbynism' since 2015.
This core book is aimed at average and above average ability Key Stage 4 National Curriculum pupils. All the material for the core unit is covered in such a way as to enable the most able to attain the highest levels, while it also remains accessible to those of average ability.
'A triumph' INDEPENDENT 'A thought-provoking and indispensable book' DAILY MAIL 'An instant classic ... I have been reading it with unalloyed admiration and delight' EVENING STANDARD Roy Strong has written an exemplary introduction to the history of Britain, as first designated by the Romans. It is a brilliant and balanced account of successive ages bound together by a compelling narrative which answers the questions: 'Where do we come from?' and 'Where are we going?' Beginning with the earliest recorded Celtic times, and ending with the present day of Brexit Britain, it is a remarkable achievement. With his passion, enthusiasm and wide-ranging knowledge, he is the ideal narrator. His book should be read by anyone, anywhere, who cares about Britain's national past, national identity and national prospects.
Om de mange projekter - hvoraf adskellige lovende - der måtte opgives som følge af en række efter forfatterens mening højest tvilsomme politiske og kommercielle beslutninger, der efter 2. verdenskrig har kostet England dyrt.