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Conflict Without End, Volume III of Hart’s multi-volume work, ZIONISM, THE REAL ENEMY OF THE JEWS takes the story from the 1967 war and the creation of Greater Israel to the present and the question: Will President Obama be allowed to deliver an acceptable amount of justice for the Palestinians in order to achieve peace for all, and, if he can’t deliver, is a final round of Zionist ethnic cleansing inevitable? Chapter 2, The Liberty Affair – “Pure Murder” on a “Great Day”, tells the incredible but true story of Israel’s deliberate attack on the American spy ship and how the truth was covered up, allowing the Israelis to get away with the cold-blooded murder of American service personnel. Chapter 3. Goodbye to the Security Council’s Integrity, contains the key to understanding everything that has happened since the 1967 war. By allowing Israel to violate international law and settle the occupied territories, the major powers, led by America, effectively created two sets of rules for the behaviour of nations-one for all the nations of the world minus only the Zionist state of Israel and the other exclusively for it. This third volume includes insights Hart gained while acting as the linkman in a secret and exploratory dialogue between PLO chairman Yasser Arafat and Israel’s Shimon Peres who, at the time, was the leader of the main Conflict Without End, Volume III of Hart’s multi-volume work, ZIONISM, THE REAL ENEMY OF THE JEWS takes the story from the 1967 war and the creation of Greater Israel to the present and the question: Will President Obama be allowed to deliver an acceptable amount of justice for the Palestinians in order to achieve peace for all, and, if he can’t deliver, is a final round of Zionist ethnic cleansing inevitable? Chapter 2, The Liberty Affair – “Pure Murder” on a “Great Day”, tells the incredible but true story of Israel’s deliberate attack on the American spy ship and how the truth was covered up, allowing the Israelis to get away with the cold-blooded murder of American service personnel. Chapter 3. Goodbye to the Security Council’s Integrity, contains the key to understanding everything that has happened since the 1967 war. By allowing Israel to violate international law and settle the occupied territories, the major powers, led by America, effectively created two sets of rules for the behaviour of nations-one for all the nations of the world minus only the Zionist state of Israel and the other exclusively for it.
David Becomes Goliath, Volume II of Hart’s multi-volume work, ZIONISM, THE REAL ENEMY OF THE JEWS, reveals in well-documented detail starting from 1948 how the assertion that Israel has lived in constant danger of annihilation, of the “driving into the sea” of its Jews, is little more than Zionist propaganda. What really was the case, after Israel unilaterally declared itself to be in existence, was that the Arab armies did not have the ability-neither the numbers nor the weapons-to defeat Israel’s forces. Despite some stupid Arab rhetoric to the contrary-a propaganda gift for Zionism of which it has made extensive and ongoing use-the Arab regimes had no intention of even trying to destroy Israel. They were quickly at one with Zionism and the major powers in wanting the Palestine file to remain closed after Israel’s first victory on the battlefield. There was not supposed to have been a regeneration of Palestinian nationalism: for them, Arafat’s real crime was making this happen. Here, too, is the riveting story of how Zionism, assisted by deluded British Prime Minister Eden and America’s hawks, conned the Western world into believing that Eygpt’s President Nasser was an enemy of the West when actually he was seeking an accommodation with Israel from almost his first days in power, and wanted more than anything else a relationship with America on equal terms with that of Israel. Hart also takes us inside the struggle of the first and last American president, Eisenhower, to attempt to contain Zionism, and President Kennedy’s unsuccessful attempt to prevent the Zionist state acquiring an atom bomb (an acquisition still unadmitted by either the US or Israel, to this very day). But most importantly, Volume II records a turning point: the story of the defeat of reason in Israel, with Ben-Gurion’s replacement of Israel’s second Prime Minister, Moshe Sharett, who in October 12, 1955 expressed in his diary this prescient fear for the future in view of the ongoing Zionist expansionism of his time: “What is our vision on this earth-war to the end of generations and life by the sword?”
The False Messiah is Volume I of a monumental history of the Israel-Palestine conflict , Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews, by a seasoned reporter with a vast first-hand knowledge of the Middle East. It is the first book to put the struggle for Palestine into its global context-to show how all the pieces of a complicated jigsaw puzzle fit together. It’s also the first ever account of events to address the motives, needs, and dilemmas faced by all sides: diaspora Jews’ real fear of Holocaust II; the Palestinian right to justice and self-determination; the legitimate anger of the Arab masses at American support for Zionism right or wrong; and the inevitable corruption and repression of the regimes of the existing Arab Order who, fearing harsher Israeli assaults, have tried to contain them. From the beginning, the conflict pitted a well-financed First World nation of European colonialists who held the upper hand in terms of military hardware, air power and capability against an essentially feudal Third World Arab nation. The False Messiah sheds new light on: · The early Zionist relations with UK, German and US governments. · Zionism’s contribution to bringing the US into World War I. · Zionism’s role (and that of domestic non-Zionist Jews) in the diversion of Jewish refugees, first from Russia, then from Germany, to Palestine rather than to the US, UK or elsewhere, sabotaging, inter alia, Truman’s efforts to provide visas to the US for 100,000 Jewish immigrants. ·· Truman’s belabored decision-making processes leading to his recognition of the State of Israel, against the advice of 3 US Secretaries of State and his Secretary of Defense who all asserted the US’ best interest was alignment with the Arab world. · The expansion of the Israeli state beyond its UN-recognized borders immediately upon its creation, and how it was made possible by Israel’s military superiority even from its pre-creation. At no point throughout its history, Hart contends, has Israel ever faced an “existential threat” to its existence. As a former BBC Panorama and ITN Middle East correspondent, Alan Hart knew and interviewed most of the main players in the Israel-Palestine conflict (Golda Meir, Moshe Dayan, Shimon Peres, Yasser Arafat and other PLO leaders, George Habash, Nasser, King Hussein of Jordan, King Feisal of Saudi Arabia, and many others). He also exhibits a wealth of research into a full spectrum of viewpoints.
Makes the case for the Jews of the diaspora to make common cause with the forces of reason in Israel.
Makes the case for the Jews of the diaspora to make common cause with the forces of reason in Israel.
A sophisticated analysis of how the Zionist understanding of the Holocaust shaped the development of American Jewish policies and political activism. Aaron Berman takes a moderate and measured approach to one of the most emotional issues in American Jewish historiography, namely, the response of American Jews to Nazism and the extermination of European Jewry.In remarkably large numbers, American Jews joined the Zionist crusade to create a Jewish state that would finally end the problem of Jewish homelessness, which they believed was the basic cause not only of the Holocaust but of all anti-Semitism. Though American Zionists could justly claim credit for the successful establishment of Israel in 1948, this triumph was not without cost. Their insistence on including a demand for Jewish statehood in any proposal to aid European Jewry politicized the rescue issue and made it impossible to appeal for American aid on purely humanitarian grounds. The American Zionist response to Nazism also shaped he political turmoil in the Middle East which followed Israel’s creation. Concerned primarily with providing a home for Jewish refugees and fearing British betrayal, Zionists could not understand Arab protests in defense of their own national interests. Instead they responded to the Arab revolt with armed force and sought to insure their own claim to Palestine, Zionists came to link he Arabs with the Nazi and British forces that were opposed to the establishment of a Jewish state. In the thinking of American Zionists, the Arabs were steadily transformed from a people with whom an accommodation would have to be made into a mortal enemy to be defeated. Aaron Berman does not apologize for American Jews, but rather tries to understand the constraints within which they operated and what opportunities-if any-they had to respond to Hitler. In surveying the latest scholarship and responding o charges against American Jewry, Berman’s arguments are reasoned and reasonable.
This book offers a systematic examination, analysis and evaluation of Israeli national security statecraft in terms of challenges and responses. Providing an in-depth analysis of Israeli statecraft challenges and responses, this interdisciplinary book integrates social science and security studies with public policy approaches within a long-term historical perspective on the Arab-Israeli conflict. These scholarly approaches are synthesized with extensive personal knowledge of the author based on involvement in Israeli political-security policy making. This book makes use of conceptualizations of statecraft such as 'fuzzy gambling' and interventions with critical mass in ultra-dynamic historical processes to help clarify Israel's main statecraft successes and failures, alongside the wider theoretical apparatuses these concepts represent. While focused on Israel, these theoretical frameworks have important implications for the academic study of statecraft and statecraft praxis worldwide. This book will be of much interest to both statecraft practitioners and to students of Israeli politics and security, the Middle Eastern conflict, strategic studies and IR/security studies in general.
Showing how to teach the literature of today’s Middle East, this book offers teachers a powerful resource for helping students to think deeply and critically about the politics and culture of the Middle East through literary engagements.
NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • A NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW AND ECONOMIST BEST BOOK OF THE YEAR “A deeply reported, deeply personal history of Zionism and Israel that does something few books even attempt: It balances the strength and weakness, the idealism and the brutality, the hope and the horror, that has always been at Zionism’s heart.”—Ezra Klein, The New York Times Winner of the Natan Book Award, the National Jewish Book Award, and the Anisfield-Wolf Book Award Ari Shavit’s riveting work, now updated with new material, draws on historical documents, interviews, and private diaries and letters, as well as his own family’s story, to create a narrative larger than the sum of its parts: both personal and of profound historical dimension. As he examines the complexities and contradictions of the Israeli condition, Shavit asks difficult but important questions: Why did Israel come to be? How did it come to be? Can it survive? Culminating with an analysis of the issues and threats that Israel is facing, My Promised Land uses the defining events of the past to shed new light on the present. Shavit’s analysis of Israeli history provides a landmark portrait of a small, vibrant country living on the edge, whose identity and presence play a crucial role in today’s global political landscape.
"There's a crack in everything, that's how the light gets in." These words by the poet Leonard Cohen could aptly describe this book, which takes history as a witness to the exceptional nature of Zionism in Jewish history. It explains many points of discord between the political ideology of Zionism and what most people consider Judaism. It also shows how Jewish traditional conscience offers a hope for the solution of the Middle East crisis. The conflicts in Israel/Palestine acquire a different meaning when seen in the context of Jewish opposition to Zionism. This book has attracted Jewish and non-Jewish readers alike who find this story inspiring in today's world of mobile identities.