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Describes the uphill battle faced by the thirty-first president, who served his single term during the Great Depression, portraying the man as bright, well-meaning, and energetic but ultimately lacking in the tools of leadership. --Publisher.
The Shock of America is based on the proposition that whenever Europeans of the last 100 years or more contemplated those margins of their experience where change occurred, there, sooner or later, they would find America. How Europeans have come to terms over the decades with this dynamic force in their midst, and what these terms were, is the story at the heart of this text. Masses of Europeans have been enthralled by the real or imaginary prospects coming out of the USA. Important minorities were at times deeply upset by them. Sometime the roles were reversed or shaken up. But nobody could be indifferent for long. Inspiration, provocation, myth, menace, model: all these categories and many more have been deployed to try to cope with the Americans. Attitudes and stereotypes have emerged, intellectual resources have been mobilised, positions and policies developed; all trying to explain and deal with the kind of radiant modernity America built over the course of the twentieth century. David Ellwood combines political, economic, and cultural themes, suggesting that American mass culture has provided the United States with a uniquely effective link between power and influence over time. The book is structured in three parts; a separation based on the proposition that America's influence as an unavoidable force for or against innovation was visible most conspicuously after Europe's three greatest military-political conflicts of the contemporary era: the Great War, World War II, and the Cold War. It concludes with the emotional upsurge in Europe which greeted the arrival of Obama on the world scene, suggesting that in spite of all the disappointments and frictions of the years, the US still retained its privileged place as a source of inspiration for the future across the Western world.
Between the years 1917 and 1927, the American Friends Service Committee of Philadelphia worked with agencies of seven governments to bring help to civilian victims of the first world war. This small private committee held fast to its original conviction that relief out to be administered to sufferers of famine and plague—not from political motivations but because such help was right, humane, and necessary. John Forbes's study The Quaker Star Under Seven Flags traces, through the war and its aftermath, the committee's negotiations with the governments of the United States, France, Serbia, Austria, German, Poland, and Soviet Russia. Forbes describes the field programs that were undertaken in cooperation with these governments after agreement was reached and carried out in collaboration with the great public enterprises that were also pioneering in overseas relief The book relates how the members of the Religious Society of Friends upheld the Society's commitment for peace not only by refusing to bear arms but also by working with the State and War Departments of the United States, as well as with the American Red Cross and the American Relief Administration. Joined by the British Friends War Victims Relief Committee, and in conjunction with officials of the stricken lands, they carried food, clothing, medicine, and hope across the English Channel into the heart of continental Europe, as far east as revolutionary Russia. A stirring account of the contribution toward peace of a selfless and courageous group, The Quaker Start Under Seven Flags illuminates some of the modern world's disturbing and puzzling foreign-aid problems. It indicates that it is not only the quantity of aid and the efficiency of its administration that counts but also the spirit in which it is given.
With the publication of his Personal Memoirs in 1885, Ulysses S. Grant established what is today known as the presidential memoir. Every U.S. president since Benjamin Harrison has written one and many have turned to other forms of writing, as well. This book covers the history of works--including autobiographies, diaries, political manifestos, speeches, fiction and poetry--authored by U.S. presidents and published prior to, during or after their terms. The writing was easy for some, harder for others, with varying success, from literary comebacks and bestsellers to false starts and failures.
The Great War’s bitter outcome left the experience largely overlooked and forgotten in American history. This timely book is a reexamination of America’s first global experience as we commemorate WWI's centennial. The U.S. steered clear of the Great War for more than two years, but President Woodrow Wilson reluctantly led the divided country into the conflict with the goal of making the world “safe for democracy.” The country assumed a global role for the first time and attempted to build the foundations for world peace, only to witness the experience go badly awry and it retreated into isolationism.The Great War was the first continent-wide conflagration in a century, and it drew much of the world into its fire. By the end, four empires and their royal houses had fallen, communism was unleashed, the map of the Middle East was redrawn, and the United States emerged as a global power—only to withdraw from the world’s stage.The United States was disillusioned with what it achieved in the earlier war and withdrew into itself. Americans have tried to forget about it ever since. The Great War in America presents an opportunity to reexamine the country’s role on the global stage and the tremendous political and social changes that overtook the nation because of the war.
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Over the course of the twentieth century, professional economists have become a feature in the policymaking process and have slowly changed the way we think about work, governance, and economic justice. However, they have also been a frustrating, paradoxical, and in recent years, controversial fixture in American public life. This book focuses on the emergence and growth of professional economics in the U.S., examining the challenges early professional economists faced, which foreshadowed obstacles throughout the twentieth century. From the founding of the American Economic Association in 1885 to the depths of the Great Depression, this volume illustrates why some of the most optimistic and capable economic minds struggled to help smooth economic transitions and tame market fluctuations. Drawing on archival research and secondary sources, the text explores the emergence of professional economics in the United States and explains how economists came to be ‘irrelevant geniuses’. This book is well suited for those who study and are interested in American history, the history of economic thought and policy history.