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For almost half a century—as a magazine editor and as the author of numerous bestselling books and hundreds of articles—Norman Podhoretz has helped drive the central political and intellectual debates in this country. Now, in this provocative and powerfully argued book, he takes on the most controversial issue of our time—the war against the global network of terrorists that attacked us on 9/11.
Thirty-five years ago, Sir John Hackett published The Third World War, which speculated how WW3 might start in the mid-eighties and how it would be fought. His scenario started with the death of Marshall Tito in Yugoslavia, followed by the break-up of that country and Russian and Warsaw Pact tanks rolling through the Fulda Gap from East Germany into West Germany. Since it is now fashionable to call WW3 either the Cold War or the war against Islamic extremism, the time is right to publish a new speculative book about how WW4 might start and how it most likely would be fought. Among the scenarios author Douglas Cohn includes in World War 4: Although Russia is now occupying parts of Ukraine, it's unlikely that will become a global war because the U.S. president is reluctant to do anything about it. But the Baltic states, which Russia is now eyeing, are different: they're members of NATO, and Article Five of the NATO Charter requires all NATO member states to go to war to defend any NATO member under attack. Putin is notoriously scornful of Obama, and he thinks Obama will do nothing about a "Ukraine lite" invasion of Latvia, Lithuania, and/or Estonia. All three have Russian populations left over from the Soviet era, and it's easy to imagine Putin invading "to protect the ethnic Russians," exactly the way he did in Ukraine. If the U.S. stands up for the Baltics, the other NATO nations will, too, leading to WW4. Another possible scenario is a rapidly militarizing China picking any number of excuses to fight the U.S. China believes her time has arrived, as U.S. wealth and power wane (as China sees it) and China’s waxes. For example, all China has to do is decide that the time is right to take back Taiwan, betting that reluctant-warrior President Obama will do nothing. If we or our far-eastern allies decide to fight, however, that would also lead to WW4. Similarly, Japan has decided that she can no longer count on the protection of the American nuclear umbrella, the guarantor of Pax Americana for the past 70 years. Japan is exploring constitutional changes that will allow her to build a military (and has also reignited the debate about whether or not to acquire atom bombs) that will no longer be defensive only. New military guidelines announced in 2010 direct the focus of the Japanese military away from Russia and towards China. Heightened territorial disputes and Chinese provocations against Japan in the East China Sea could easily result in a global conflict. Douglas Cohn presents these and other scenarios for exactly how, in our dangerous word, WW4 could start, and how it would be fought: the strategies, the tactics, the units and troops, the air wings, the naval fleets, and the weapons.
Volume IV of The Cambridge History of War offers a definitive new account of war in the most destructive period in human history. Opening with the massive conflicts that erupted in the mid nineteenth century in the US, Asia and Europe, leading historians trace the global evolution of warfare through 'the age of mass', 'the age of machine' and 'the age of management'. They explore how industrialization and nationalism fostered vast armies whilst the emergence of mobile warfare and improved communications systems made possible the 'total warfare' of the two World Wars. With military conflict regionalized after 1945 they show how guerrilla and asymmetrical warfare highlighted the limits of the machine and mass as well as the importance of the media in winning 'hearts and minds'. This is a comprehensive guide to every facet of modern war from strategy and operations to its social, cultural, technological and political contexts and legacies.
TALES OF THE WAR THAT MIGHT HAVE BEENWhat if the United States had gone to war with the Soviet Union? What if these rival superpowers had fought on land, sea, air, and the astral plane? What if the Soviets and Americans had struggled for dominion across parallel dimensions or on the surface of the moon? How would the world have changed? What wonders would have been unveiled? What terrors would have haunted mankind from those dark and dismal dimensions? Come closer, peer through a glass darkly, and discover the horrifying alternative visions of World War III from some of today's greatest minds in science fiction, fantasy, and horror.Includes new stories by David Drake, Brad R. Torgersen, Mike Resnick, Sarah A. Hoyt, and many more!
Essays analyze the two world wars in respect to gender politics and reassesses the differences between men and women in relation to war
This book discusses the decision to use the atomic bomb. Libraries and scholars will find it a necessary adjunct to their other studies by Pulitzer-Prize author Herbert Feis on World War II. Originally published in 1966. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Most wars between countries end quickly and at relatively low cost. The few in which high-intensity fighting continues for years bring about a disproportionate amount of death and suffering. What separates these few unusually long and intense wars from the many conflicts that are far less destructive? In Logics of War, Alex Weisiger tests three explanations for a nation's decision to go to war and continue fighting regardless of the costs. He combines sharp statistical analysis of interstate wars over the past two centuries with nine narrative case studies. He examines both well-known conflicts like World War II and the Persian Gulf War, as well as unfamiliar ones such as the 1864-1870 Paraguayan War (or the War of the Triple Alliance), which proportionally caused more deaths than any other war in modern history. When leaders go to war expecting easy victory, events usually correct their misperceptions quickly and with fairly low casualties, thereby setting the stage for a negotiated agreement. A second explanation involves motives born of domestic politics; as war becomes more intense, however, leaders are increasingly constrained in their ability to continue the fighting. Particularly destructive wars instead arise from mistrust of an opponent's intentions. Countries that launch preventive wars to forestall expected decline tend to have particularly ambitious war aims that they hold to even when fighting goes poorly. Moreover, in some cases, their opponents interpret the preventive attack as evidence of a dispositional commitment to aggression, resulting in the rejection of any form of negotiation and a demand for unconditional surrender. Weisiger's treatment of a topic of central concern to scholars of major wars will also be read with great interest by military historians, political psychologists, and sociologists.
World War I created a set of forces that affected the political arrangements and economies of all the countries involved. This period in global economic history between World War I and II offers rich material for studying international monetary and sovereign debt policies. Debt and Entanglements between the Wars focuses on the experiences of the United States, United Kingdom, four countries in the British Commonwealth (Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Newfoundland), France, Italy, Germany, and Japan, offering unique insights into how political and economic interests influenced alliances, defaults, and the unwinding of debts. The narratives presented show how the absence of effective international collaboration and resolution mechanisms inflicted damage on the global economy, with disastrous consequences.
A masterful and comprehensive chronicle of World War II, by internationally bestselling historian Antony Beevor. Over the past two decades, Antony Beevor has established himself as one of the world's premier historians of WWII. His multi-award winning books have included Stalingrad and The Fall of Berlin 1945. Now, in his newest and most ambitious book, he turns his focus to one of the bloodiest and most tragic events of the twentieth century, the Second World War. In this searing narrative that takes us from Hitler's invasion of Poland on September 1st, 1939 to V-J day on August 14, 1945 and the war's aftermath, Beevor describes the conflict and its global reach -- one that included every major power. The result is a dramatic and breathtaking single-volume history that provides a remarkably intimate account of the war that, more than any other, still commands attention and an audience. Thrillingly written and brilliantly researched, Beevor's grand and provocative account is destined to become the definitive work on this complex, tragic, and endlessly fascinating period in world history, and confirms once more that he is a military historian of the first rank.