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Gender equality is central to the protection of human rights and the functioning of democracy. It cannot be right that the experiences, skills and concerns of women are not fully represented or reflected in decision making about the laws and functioning of the societies in which they live. The regional study on women’s political representation in the Eastern Partnership countries was commissioned in response to the key objectives of the Council of Europe and the European Commission to address the lack of women’s political representation at national and local level in these countries. Researchers based in each of the countries have contributed qualitative information on both the situation of women and on the experiences of women who have stood for elected office. While the legal basis for equality of women and men exists in all the countries in question, the reality is quite different. Stereotypical views and assumptions about the roles of women in society affect how women step forward as candidates, and whether they are selected and elected. The Council of Europe is convinced that this study, by providing examples of good practice and evidence-based, practical recommendations, will help to address the current imbalance of women holding elected office and, by doing so, will enhance democracy and human rights in the countries of the Eastern Partnership.
Under what conditions do citizens most effectively connect to the democratic process? We tend to think that factors like education, income, and workforce participation are most important, but research has shown that they exert less influence than expected when it comes to women's attitudes and engagement. Scholars have begun to look more closely at how political context affects engagement. This book asks how contexts promote women's interest and connection to democracy, and it looks to Latin America for answers. The region provides a good test case as the institution of gender quotas has led to more recent and dramatic increases in women's political representation. Specifically, Magda Hinojosa and Miki Caul Kittilson argue that the election of women to political office--particularly where women's presence is highly visible to the public--strengthens the connections between women and the democratic process. For women, seeing more "people like me" in politics changes attitudes and orientations toward government and politics. The authors untangle the effects of gender quotas and the subsequent rise in women's share of elected positions, finding that the latter exerts greater impact on women's connections to the democratic process. Women citizens are more knowledgeable, interested, and efficacious when they see women holding elected office. They also express more trust in government and in political institutions and greater satisfaction with democracy when they see more women in politics. The authors look at comparative data from across Latin America, but focus on an in-depth case study of Uruguay. Here, the authors find that gender gaps in political engagement declined significantly after a doubling of women's representation in the Senate. The authors therefore argue that far-reaching gender gaps can be overcome by more equitable representation in our political institutions.
This volume brings together international experts to examine and compare women in local government and features case studies on the US, UK, France, Germany, Spain, Finland, Australia and New Zealand.
Women’s participation in parliaments, high courts, and executive offices worldwide has reached record high numbers, but this global increase in women’s representation masks significant variation among different democratic political systems. For example, in December of 2009, Rwanda’s legislature contained 56% women, while the U.S. Congress contained only about 17% and the Japanese Diet had only 11%. Since 2000, only twenty-seven women have achieved executive office worldwide. Contagious Representation is a comprehensive look at women’s participation in all aspects of public life in the main democratic political institutions—the executive, the judiciary, the legislature, and within political parties. Moving beyond studies of single countries and institutions, Contagious Representation presents original data from 159 democratic countries spanning 50 years, providing a comprehensive understanding of women in democracies worldwide. The first volume to offer an analysis on all avenues for women’s participation for such a lengthy time period, Contagious Representation examines not only the causes of women’s representation in the main democratic political institutions but also how women’s representation in one institution affects the others. Each chapter contains case studies and examples of the change in women’s participation over time from around the world. Thames and Williams definitively explain the rise, decline, or stagnant levels of women’s political participation, considering how representation is contagious across political institutions and gaining a better understanding of what factors affect women’s political participation.
Pakistan's democracy is still rather new. In 2000, General Pervez Musharraf promulgated Local Government Ordinance 2000, which introduced 33 percent gender quotas for women in the local government. On April 8, 2010, under the 18th amendment to the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan, the provincial governments were empowered to introduce local government reforms independently and per their needs and contexts. Thus, the provincial assembly of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) passed Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Local Government Act 2013 on October 31, 2013. Local elections were subsequently held on May 30, 2015. Many women joined the local government as councilors in KP. At the same time, Pashtun society in KP follows a set of informal institutions called Pakhtunwali that may affect women councilors’ substantive representation and civic participation in local democratic processes. The aim of the study is to assess women councilors’ substantive representation as a process and their civic participation in local democracy in the three selected districts (Peshawar, Mardan, and Swat) of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. This study tests a total of five hypotheses on the interaction between formal and informal institutions and its impact on women substantive representation and civic participation. Furthermore, the independent variables of political parties, civil society, and the media are also hypothesized to assess their effects on the dependent variables. The study uses a case study approach. Triangulation is applied for confidence and verification purposes. The primary research methods used are qualitative individual in depth interviews and observation. A total of 63 individual interviews, 60-90 minutes per session (one session per participant) are conducted with respondents. The study participants include female and male councilors from 12 local councils of the three selected districts. Furthermore, experts (academics), civil society activists, and journalists also make a part of the interview respondents. Additionally, two newspapers are selected to collect news items from to do content analysis. The research methods of narrative review, content analysis, and statistical analysis are also used to enhance the internal validity of the research.
Women’s minimal leadership role in national and local political spheres remains a serious concern worldwide. The Commonwealth Gender Plan of Action for Gender Equality 2005–2015 calls on governments to introduce measures to promote at least 30 per cent representation of women in parliament, government and business. The Impact of Women’s Political Leadership on Democracy and Development describes the barriers to women’s political participation and explains why the contribution of women is so crucial to democracy. It identifies established strategies – electoral reform (New Zealand), party voluntary quotas (South Africa), and legislative quotas (Bangladesh and India) – that have helped these Commonwealth countries to meet the global target of 30 per cent and thus to effectively advance the participation of women in decision-making at all levels.
"The authors take a unique approach: they reject the view that women should accommodate themselves to the system and argue instead that the system has an inherent obligation to accommodate itself to women. Using data from local, state, and national levels they formulate a model of elections. The authors contend that as the number of qualified women increases, more will run for office-and more will be elected. As more women are elected, the incumbency factor will assist in their reelection until the number of elected women reaches parity with that of men." -- Book Cover.
This book offers an analysis of how women's participation is conducted in Mexico´s political sphere. Federalization and decentralization processes can have a significant impact on women’s participation and discrimination. By questioning the form in which a democratic state is built (that is, the degree of (de)centralization) the book looks to a set of forms and processes affecting women’s political life. A decentralized form of state-government implies three levels of government in which women (or any other group of people) can have active participation: central-federal government, state-regional-province government, and local (municipalities) government. This book offers an analysis of how gender discrimination operates in a different way in each of these levels of government and the corresponding political activity. Policies that fight against gender discrimination and promote women's participation, in both administration and political parties, do not always operate cooperatively, and often exist in contradiction with each other.
This updated edition of Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers Handbook covers the ground of women's access to the legislature in three steps: It looks into the obstacles women confront when entering Parliament be they political, socio-economic or ideological and psychological. It presents solutions to overcome these obstacles, such as changing electoral systems and introducing quotas, and it details strategies for women to influence politics once they are elected to parliament, an institution which is traditionally male dominated. The first Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers handbook was produced as part of IDEA's work on women and political participation in 1998. Since its release in English in 1998, there has been an ongoing interest and demand for the handbook, and responding to the request for the translation of the handbook, IDEA has produced Spanish, French and Indonesian language versions and a Russian overview of the handbook during 2002-2003. Since the first handbook was published, the picture regarding women's political participation has slowly changed. Overall the past decade has seen gradual progress with regard to women's presence in national parliaments. This second edition incorporates relevant global changes in the past years presenting new and updated case studies.--