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Wartime William is still up to mischief! William is always ready to offer his services to his country. But why is it that his enthusiastic contribution is so seldom appreciated? William is determined to do his bit, but unfortunately no one else thinks he'd make a hero . . . William at War by Richmal Compton is a selection of ten of William's most wonderful wartime stories in which William proves himself just as dangerous, unpredictable and downright troublesome as the Enemy! This much-loved children's classic features contemporary cover art by Michael Foreman, an introduction by actor and comedian John Sessions, along with the original inside illustrations by Thomas Henry – allowing a new generation to enjoy this unforgettable character. There is only one William. This tousle-headed, snub-nosed, hearty, loveable imp of mischief has been harassing his unfortunate family and delighting his hundreds of thousands of admirers since 1922. Enjoy more of William's adventures in Just William and Still William.
A critical look at the the fourth year of Lincoln's administration and the conclusion of the author's four-volume re-examination of the Civil War.
Surveys the bureaucratic mistakes--including poor weapons and strategic blunders--that marked America's entry into World War II, showing how these errors were overcome by the citizens waging the war.
Everyone's favourite troublemaker is back in Richmal Crompton's William the Bad – with a fun and contemporary cover illustrated by Chris Garbutt and an introduction by writer Anne Fine. William doesn't understand why he's not invited to Robert and Ethel's fancy-dress party – what could possibly go wrong? Desperate for an invite, his search for the perfect costume causes mayhem. Somehow nothing ever goes to plan when William the Bad is around! There is only one William. This tousle-headed, snub-nosed, hearty, lovable imp of mischief has been harassing his unfortunate family and delighting his admirers since 1922. Enjoy more of William's adventures in William's Happy Days and William Again.
For the paperback edition, the author has written a new preface about the Bush administration's attitudes toward military reform.
This book features the memoir of William H. Gregg. Gregg served as William Clarke Quantrill's de facto adjutant from December of 1861 until the spring of 1864, making him one of the closest people to the guerrilla chief. Whether it was the origins of Quantrill's band, the early warfare along the border, the planning and execution of the raid on Lawrence, Kansas, the Battle of Baxter Springs, or the dissolution of the company in early 1864, Gregg was there as a participant and observer. The book also includes correspondence between Gregg and William E. Connelley, a historian. Connelley, who was born and raised in Kentucky to a family of Unionists, was deeply affected by the war and was a staunch Unionist and Republican. Even as much of the country was focusing on reunification, Connelley refused to forgive the South and felt little if any empathy for his southern peers. Connelley's relationship with Gregg was complicated at best. At worst, it was exploitive. At times their bond appeared reciprocal, but taken as a whole, Connelley seems to have manipulated an old, weak, and naïve Gregg, offering to help Gregg publish his memoir in exchange for Gregg's assistance in feeding Connelley inside information for a biography of Quantrill.
For many people, Pennsylvania's contribution to the Civil War goes little beyond the battle of Gettysburg. The North in general has received far less attention than the Confederacy in the historiography of the Civil War—a weakness in the literature that this book will help to address. The essays in this volume suggest a few ways to reconsider the impact of the Civil War on Pennsylvania and the way its memory remains alive even today. Making and Remaking Pennsylvania's Civil War contains a wealth of new information about Pennsylvania during the war years. For instance, perhaps as many as 2,000 Pennsylvanians defected to the Confederacy to fight for the Southern cause. And during the advance of Lee's army in 1863, residents of the Gettysburg area gained a reputation throughout North and South as a stingy people who wanted to make money from the war rather than sacrifice for the Union. But the state displayed loyalty as well and commitment to the cause of freedom. Pittsburgh served as the site for one of the first public monuments in the country dedicated to African Americans. Women of the Commonwealth also contributed mightily through organizing sanitary fairs or helping in ways that belied their roles as keepers of the domestic world. And readers will learn from an African American soldier's letters how blacks helped win their own liberation. As a whole, the ten essays contained in Making and Remaking Pennsylvania's Civil War include courage on the battlefield but reflect the current trends to understand the motivations of soldiers and the impact of war on civilians, rather than focusing solely on battles or leadership. The essays also employ interdisciplinary techniques, as well as raise gender and racial questions. They incorporate a more expansive time frame than the four years of the conflict, by looking at not only the making of the war—but also its remaking—or how a public revisits the past to suit contemporary needs.
Written by leading scholars in the field, Causes of War provides the first comprehensive analysis of the leading theories relating to the origins of both interstate and civil wars. Utilizes historical examples to illustrate individual theories throughout Includes an analysis of theories of civil wars as well as interstate wars -- one of the only texts to do both Written by two former International Studies Association Presidents
Born the year World War I began, acclaimed poet William Stafford (1914-1993) spent World War II in a camp for conscientious objectors. Throughout a century of conflict he remained convinced that wars simply don't work. In his writings, Stafford showed it is possible--and crucial--to think independently when fanatics act, and to speak for reconciliation when nations take sides. He believed it was a failure of imagination to only see two options: to fight or to run away. This book gathers the evidence of a lifetime's commitment to nonviolence, including an account of Stafford's near-hanging at the hands of American patriots. In excerpts from his daily journal from 1951-1991, Stafford uses questions, alternative views of history, lyric invitations, and direct assessments of our political habits to suggest another way than war. Many of these statements are published here for the first time, together with a generous selection of Stafford's pacifist poems and interviews from elusive sources. Stafford provides an alternative approach to a nation's military habit, our current administration's aggressive instincts, and our legacy of armed ventures in Europe, the Pacific, Korea, Vietnam, the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and beyond.