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There Has Been An Intense Quest For Some Alternatives To Replace Capitalism And Socialism Which In India Are Borrowed Systems From Th West, And Which Are Breaking Down As A System For The Poor. The Real Shortcoming Of The Systems Is The Complete Lack Of Public Morality And Goodness, The Rich In Power Owe To The Poor. Of Late, A Few Economists Started Taking Initiative In Bringing Spirituality As A Necessary Component Of The System As Its Indian Face But This Did Not Succeed Due To Dominance Of The Forces In Power. It Is Felt That A Continuing National And Spiritual Movement By The Masses Could Give Out A Chaste Indigenous System Where The Rich And The Poor Alike Could Work Together For A Honourable, Prosperous And Peaceful Society. Some Gandhian Norms Of Simplicity And Austerity Have To Be Worked Out With Religion And Vedant As The Greatest Uniting Forces. The Book Is An Humble Attempt Towards This End.
The rapid collapse of socialism has raised new economic policy questions and revived old theoretical issues. In this book, Joseph Stiglitz explains how the neoclassical, or Walrasian model (the formal articulation of Adam Smith's invisible hand), which has dominated economic thought over the past half century, may have wrongly encouraged the belief that market socialism could work. Stiglitz proposes an alternative model, based on the economics of information, that provides greater theoretical insight into the workings of a market economy and clearer guidance for the setting of policy in transitional economies. Stiglitz sees the critical failing in the standard neoclassical model underlying market socialism to be its assumptions concerning information, particularly its failure to consider the problems that arise from lack of perfect information and from the costs of acquiring information. He also identifies problems arising from its assumptions concerning completeness of markets, competitiveness of markets, and the absence of innovation. Stiglitz argues that not only did the existing paradigm fail to provide much guidance on the vital question of the choice of economic systems, the advice it did provide was often misleading.
The continuing saga of a contemporary mass leader who sought out a vision and a method to amalgamate yoga and health care into the mainstream consciousness Baba Ramdev’s emergence as the new ideologue of a national and global spiritual resurgence is considered by many as a curious phenomenon. This work is a study on the making of the Ramdev spectacle with all its inescapable assertiveness, mass enthusiasm and, of course, controversies. It seeks to locate his philosophy in today’s socio-cultural milieu, while tracing its origins in Indian spiritual history, and the past landmark reformist movements that have been initiated in the country by earlier path-breakers including Sri Aurobindo, Swami Dayananda, Paramhansa Yogananda, Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, Bhagwan Nityananda, J. N. Krishnamurty and Sri Ramana Rishi. Indeed, Ramdev represents a renewed continuity to the great revival of the ancient Indian spiritual traditions and yoga that took place in the twentieth century and received recognition worldwide. With his own version of holistic yoga as a ploy for instituting the universal right to health, Baba Ramdev has proposed two distinct ideological alternatives to the current established order of the world – pranayama and the yogic way of life as the key to health restoration and well-being; and manifestation of an enabling spiritual environment for personal and social transformation. Ramdev’s arrival once again underlines the continuing significance of Oriental spiritualism the world over as it offers perhaps the most promising insights for the creation of a ‘new spiritually-awakened man’ – a man at ease with himself and with the world around him.
This book studies the national and humanitarian mission of Yogrishi Baba Ramdev, who having brought about the yoga-revolution and by installing yoga at the world level, began the yoga era. Here he presents his plans for poverty-free, corruption-free and a developed India.
This informative and widely-used text is now available in a third edition. Building on the success of previous editions, it continues to provide a clear and accessible introduction to the complexities of political ideologies. The latest edition of Political Ideologies: introduces and considers the future of all the most widely studied ideologies: liberalism; conservatism; socialism; democracy; nationalism; fascism; ecologism and feminism sets each ideology clearly within its historical and political context includes a new final chapter that examines the impact of recent theoretical developments of ideologies and charts the challenges that they face in the twenty-first century has been fully revised and up-dated and provides an annotated guide for further reading.
Economists have a bad reputation. Not only do they assume that everyone is self-interested and amoral, they are almost always cheerleaders for the free market. As a result, most people who do not already share their beliefs ignore everything that economists have to say. This is a problem. Even among the highly educated, economics is a minefield of fallacies and errors. Among those who know little about the subject—a group that includes the average taxpayer and consumer, as well as most journalists, political activists and politicians—almost every widely held belief is false. The level of economic illiteracy is stunning. Filthy Lucre aims to level the playing field and, in this time of enormous market volatility and unprecedented instability, raise our level of economic literacy. Drawing on everyday examples to skewer the six favourite economic fallacies of the right and then the left, we learn why the right wing so wrongly believes that capitalism is the natural order of things, that any tax cut is a good tax cut, and that personal responsibility can solve any problem. And, contrary to how the left feels, why we must resist the urge to fiddle with prices, why the pursuit of profit is not such a bad thing, and why, despite efforts to improve or even fix wages, some jobs will always suck.
This book provides rigorous analysis of the wide range of questions surrounding the role of international institutions in governing global business, especially multinational enterprises (MNEs). The analysis, both theoretical and empirical, focuses on the corporate governance of MNEs and to what extent their management takes into account the negative effects of their activities. Also discussed are: how nation states and international institutions control the activities of MNEs, and how the role and strategies of international institutions can be changed to minimise any negative effects without hampering the positive aspects and effects of MNEs. Besides the general questions of corporate governance, the fundamental differences between shareholder and stakeholder concepts are also carefully examined. A number of moral aspects in corporate governance are touched upon including the effect of international entrepreneurial activities on wages, labour markets and environmental issues. International Institutions and Multinational Enterprises is a fascinating book that will appeal to scholars of international and development economics, international business management and institutional economics. NGOs and policymakers involved in international trade, monetary and development policy formulation and associated institutions will also find much to interest them.
Socialism is the watchword and the catchword of our day. The socialist idea dominates the modem spirit. The masses approve of it. It expresses the thoughts and feelings of all; it has set its seal upon our time. When history comes to tell our story it will write above the chapter “The Epoch of Socialism.” As yet, it is true, Socialism has not created a society which can be said to represent its ideal. But for more than a generation the policies of civilized nations have been directed towards nothing less than a gradual realization of Socialism.17 In recent years the movement has grown noticeably in vigour and tenacity. Some nations have sought to achieve Socialism, in its fullest sense, at a single stroke. Before our eyes Russian Bolshevism has already accomplished something which, whatever we believe to be its significance, must by the very magnitude of its design be regarded as one of the most remarkable achievements known to world history. Elsewhere no one has yet achieved so much. But with other peoples only the inner contradictions of Socialism itself and the fact that it cannot be completely realized have frustrated socialist triumph. They also have gone as far as they could under the given circumstances. Opposition in principle to Socialism there is none. Today no influential party would dare openly to advocate Private Property in the Means of Production. The word “Capitalism” expresses, for our age, the sum of all evil. Even the opponents of Socialism are dominated by socialist ideas. In seeking to combat Socialism from the standpoint of their special class interest these opponents—the parties which particularly call themselves “bourgeois” or “peasant”—admit indirectly the validity of all the essentials of socialist thought. For if it is only possible to argue against the socialist programme that it endangers the particular interests of one part of humanity, one has really affirmed Socialism. If one complains that the system of economic and social organization which is based on private property in the means of production does not sufficiently consider the interests of the community, that it serves only the purposes of single strata, and that it limits productivity; and if therefore one demands with the supporters of the various “social-political” and “social-reform” movements, state interference in all fields of economic life, then one has fundamentally accepted the principle of the socialist programme. Or again, if one can only argue against socialism that the imperfections of human nature make its realization impossible, or that it is inexpedient under existing economic conditions to proceed at once to socialization, then one merely confesses that one has capitulated to socialist ideas. The nationalist, too, affirms socialism, and objects only to its Internationalism. He wishes to combine Socialism with the ideas of Imperialism and the struggle against foreign nations. He is a national, not an international socialist; but he, also, approves of the essential principles of Socialism.