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It was paradoxical that under President Trump, who was supposed to be belligerent and irreconcilable, a new avenue of understanding opened up with the Arab world, especially the Gulf States and Egypt. This relationship had gone awry under President Obama, who had started by prostrating himself before the Saudi King and speaking of accommodation and engagement with the Islamic world at Cairo University, but ended up supporting the Muslim Brother government there and condemning the Sisi coup that overturned it. The pragmatic move of President Trump, which scuttled the radical Muslim takeover of many Arab countries in the wake of the abortive “Arab Spring” of the 2010s, also helped open the road to a new era of reconciliation between Israel and the Gulf States, to which were gradually added Morocco, Sudan, and Chad, with more following. This move has launched a new, unprecedented wave of repenting Arab countries besides Egypt and Jordan, which made peace with Israel, discovering that peace and cooperation were more fruitful and promising than vain hatred and repeated battles that resulted only in destruction, death, and loss.
There was a time in international relations, when in spite of the regular interests and intrigues used to seek them, some were able to keep the fundamentals of decency, truth, conscience, the respect for facts, traditions and history, and the search for an objective truth. Nowadays, political positions can change from one day to the next, facts can be reversed, narrative is as valuable as fact and history, and all opinions appear to be as valid as others. The world is globalized, no national culture or value can rival any woke-ist claim or sentiment of what is or what must be, for the world oppressors are never right. These developments, or rather this degeneration, is the result of social media, which have not only addicted people to produce fake news at will, but have allowed opinions to be presented instantly and universally as fact, including the routine lies, sycophancy, and betrayal by Arab and Muslim terrorists.
This volume looks back at my approaching 90 years of age, and the beginning of my 10th (and assuredly last) decade on this earth. I use my long and diversified scholarly life experience to leave behind a final (and I hope lasting) impression of an Israel where I have lived since age 14, completed my studies, taught thousands of students, and written dozens of books on a variety of topics, mostly related to the Islamic world and some on China. I am departing an Israel that has been traumatized following the sudden deadly attack by Hamas on October 7, 2023, on 1,300 Israelis, and the abduction of 240 more into captivity in Gaza, including babies, the elderly, and women, all of whom were abused one way or another. Only a revolutionized Israel in all domains, which is acutely expected by all Israelis, in its military, political, social, cultural, and economic fields is likely to start mending these long-term wounds that have caused dislocation, refugees, misery, and destruction on both the directly related Gaza border, where 22 village communities have been annihilated, and the Lebanese border, where similar carnage and ruin are looming, unless the Hizbullah, which has gratuitously joined the fray, is tamed or defeated.
This book is concerned with the rationality and plausibility of the Muslim faith and the Qur'an, and in particular how they can be interrogated and understood through Western analytical philosophy. It also explores how Islam can successfully engage with the challenges posed by secular thinking. The Quran and the Secular Mind will be of interest to students and scholars of Islamic philosophy, philosophy of religion, Middle East studies, and political Islam.
Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan in October 2007, after eight years of exile, hopeful that she could be a catalyst for change. Upon a tumultuous reception, she survived a suicide-bomb attack that killed nearly two hundred of her countrymen. But she continued to forge ahead, with more courage and conviction than ever, since she knew that time was running out—for the future of her nation, and for her life. In Reconciliation, Bhutto recounts in gripping detail her final months in Pakistan and offers a bold new agenda for how to stem the tide of Islamic radicalism and to rediscover the values of tolerance and justice that lie at the heart of her religion. With extremist Islam on the rise throughout the world, the peaceful, pluralistic message of Islam has been exploited and manipulated by fanatics. Bhutto persuasively argues that America and Britain are fueling this turn toward radicalization by supporting groups that serve only short-term interests. She believed that by enabling dictators, the West was actually contributing to the frustration and extremism that lead to terrorism. With her experience governing Pakistan and living and studying in the West, Benazir Bhutto was versed in the complexities of the conflict from both sides. She was a renaissance woman who offered a way out. In this riveting and deeply insightful book, Bhutto explores the complicated history between the Middle East and the West. She traces the roots of international terrorism across the world, including American support for Pakistani general Zia-ul-Haq, who destroyed political parties, eliminated an independent judiciary, marginalized NGOs, suspended the protection of human rights, and aligned Pakistani intelligence agencies with the most radical elements of the Afghan mujahideen. She speaks out not just to the West, but to the Muslims across the globe who are at a crossroads between the past and the future, between education and ignorance, between peace and terrorism, and between dictatorship and democracy. Democracy and Islam are not incompatible, and the clash between Islam and the West is not inevitable. Bhutto presents an image of modern Islam that defies the negative caricatures often seen in the West. After reading this book, it will become even clearer what the world has lost by her assassination.
The book examines the growing tension between social movements that embrace egalitarian and inclusivist views of national and global politics, most notably classical liberalism, and those that advance social hierarchy and national exclusivism, such as neoliberalism, neoconservatism, and national populism. In exploring issues relating to tensions and conflicts around globalization, the book identifies historical patterns of convergence and divergence rooted in the monotheistic traditions, beginning with the ancient Israelites that dominated the Near East during the Axial age, through Islamic civilization, and finally by considering the idealism-realism tensions in modern times. One thing remained constant throughout the various historical stages that preceded our current moment of global convergence: a recurring tension between transcendental idealism and various forms of realism. Transcendental idealism, which prioritize egalitarian and universal values, pushed periodically against the forces of realism that privilege established law and power structure. Equipped with the idealism-realism framework, the book examines the consequences of European realism that justified the imperialistic venture into Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America in the name of liberation and liberalization. The ill-conceived strategy has, ironically, engendered the very dysfunctional societies that produce the waves of immigrants in constant motion from the South to the North, simultaneously as it fostered the social hierarchy that transfer external tensions into identity politics within the countries of the North. The book focuses particularly on the role played historically by Islamic rationalism in translating the monotheistic egalitarian outlook into the institutions of religious pluralism, legislative and legal autonomy, and scientific enterprise at the foundation of modern society. It concludes by shedding light on the significance of the Muslim presence in Western cultures as humanity draws slowly but consistently towards what we may come to recognize as the Global Age. The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781003203360, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.
An innovative study which explores how the presence of Muslim communities transformed Europe and stimulated Christian society to define itself.
Mohammed Arkoun was one of the most prominent and influential Arab intellectuals of his day. During a career spanning more than thirty years, he was revered as an outstanding research scholar, a bold critic of the theoretical tensions embedded within Islamic Studies and an outspoken public figure, upholding political, social and cultural modernism. This Festschrift honours Arkoun's scholarship, bringing together the contributions of eleven distinguished scholars of history, religious studies and philosophy. It offers a comprehensive selection of critical engagements with Arkoun's work, reflecting on his considerable influence on contemporary thinking about Islam and its ideological, philosophical and theological dimensions. The authoritative reference study on the work of Mohammed Arkoun, The Construction of Belief is essential reading for students and scholars of Islam, Muslim societies and cultures, modernity, religious studies, philosophy and semanti.
The traditional doctrine of Islamic law in regard to international re lations is well known. The Shari'a includes many excellent provisions about declarations of war, treaties of peace, armistices, diplomatic envoys, negotiations and guarantees of safe conduct. But the fact remains that it divides the world, broadly speaking, into the "Abode of Islam" and the "Abode of 'War," and that it envisages the continu ance of intermittent war between them until the latter is absorbed in the former. In the course of such fighting, and in the intervals in be tween, many civilities were to be meticulously observed; but prisoners of war could be killed, sold or enslaved at the discretion of the Muslim authorities, and the women of those who resisted the advance of Islam could be taken as slave-concubines, regardless of whether they were single or married. The "Abode of Islam" did not, indeed, consist ex clusively of Muslims, for those whose religion was based on a book accepted by Islam as originally inspired and in practice, indeed, those other religions too - were not forced to embrace Islam but only to accept Muslim rule. They were granted the status of dhimmis, were protected in their persons and their property, were allowed to follow their own religion in an unobtrusive fashion, and were accorded the position of essentially second-class citizens. They were also of course, perfectly free to embrace Islam; but for a Muslim to be converted to another faith involved the death penalty.
Once in a while a book comes along that can reshape the thinking of the world. One person at a time. "Reading the Muslim Mind" is just such a book. Dr Hassan Hathout starts out from a simple observation - a lifetime of biculturalism leads him to note that "Islam in the West is widely known for what it is not." This encyclopedic personality sets out to guide the reader on a comprehensive tour through Islam. For this voyage, he supplies a keen and lucid anatomy of Islamic life. But more: he provides, with incisive clarity, the inner guidebook; he uncovers the tracing of the mind at work behind the practice, the spirit behind the letter, the rationale and the Ultimate Reason, God.