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War and Peace charts the history of the French invasion of Russia, through the stories of five Russian aristocratic families. War and Peace is well known as being one of the longest novels ever written and a central work of world literature.
The Art of War is an ancient Chinese military treatise by Sun Tzu, a high-ranking military general, strategist and tactician. Each chapter is devoted to one aspect of warfare. It is commonly thought of as a definitive work on military strategy.
Leviathan ranks as a classic work on statecraft comparable to Machiavelli's The Prince. It concerns the structure of society and legitimate government, and is one of the most influential examples of social contract theory.
Anna Komnene describes the political and military history of the Byzantine Empire during the reign of her father, Emperor Alexios I. The text documents the Crusades and the conflicting perceptions of East and West in the early 12th century.
Written in the 6th century BC, Sun Tzu’s The Art of War is still used as a book of military strategy today. Using a new translation by James Trapp, this bilingual edition of The Art of War lays the original Chinese text opposite the modern English translation.
Marcus Aurelius' private notes are a significant source of the modern understanding of ancient Stoic philosophy, and have been praised by fellow writers, philosophers, monarchs, and politicians centuries after his death.
Rodion Raskolnikov kills an unscrupulous pawnbroker for her cash, defending his actions by arguing that with the pawnbroker's money he can perform good deeds to counterbalance the crime, while ridding the world of a vermin.
The doomed love affair between the sensuous and rebellious Anna and the dashing officer, Count Vronsky. Tragedy unfolds as Anna rejects her passionless marriage and must endure the hypocrisies of society. Set against a vast and richly textured canvas of nineteenth-century Russia, the novel's seven major characters create a dynamic imbalance, playing out the contrasts of city and country life and all the variations on love and family happiness.
What limits, if any, should be placed on a government's efforts to spy on its citizens in the name of national security? Spying on foreigners has long been regarded as an unseemly but necessary enterprise. Spying on one's own citizens in a democracy, by contrast, has historically been subject to various forms of legal and political restraint. For most of the twentieth century these regimes were kept distinct. That position is no longer tenable. Modern threats do not respect national borders. Changes in technology make it impractical to distinguish between 'foreign' and 'local' communications. And our culture is progressively reducing the sphere of activity that citizens can reasonably expect to be kept from government eyes. The main casualty of this transformed environment will be privacy. Recent battles over privacy have been dominated by fights over warrantless electronic surveillance and CCTV; the coming years will see debates over DNA databases, data mining, and biometric identification. There will be protests and lawsuits, editorials and elections resisting these attacks on privacy. Those battles are worthy. But the war will be lost. Modern threats increasingly require that governments collect such information, governments are increasingly able to collect it, and citizens increasingly accept that they will collect it. This book proposes a move away from questions of whether governments should collect information and onto more problematic and relevant questions concerning its use. By reframing the relationship between privacy and security in the language of a social contract, mediated by a citizenry who are active participants rather than passive targets, the book offers a framework to defend freedom without sacrificing liberty.