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Historical and Cultural Transformations of Russian Childhood is a collection of multidisciplinary scholarly essays on childhood experience. The volume offers new critical approaches to Russian and Soviet childhood at the intersection of philosophy, literary criticism, film/visual studies, and history. Pedagogical ideas and practices, and the ideological and political underpinnings of the experience of growing up in pre-revolutionary Russia, the Soviet Union, and Putin’s contemporary Russia are central venues of analysis. Toward the goal of constructing the "multimedial childhood text," the contributors tackle issues of happiness and trauma associated with childhood and foreground its fluidity and instability in the Russian context. The volume further examines practices of reading childhood: as nostalgic text, documentary evidence, and historic mythology. Considering Russian childhood as historical documentation or fictional narrative, as an object of material culture, and as embodied in different media (periodicals, visual culture, and cinema), the volume intends to both problematize but also elucidate the relationship between childhood, history, and various modes of narrativity.
"The Fullest account to date of the Menshevik party during the first year of Soviet rule. Focusing on the period from October 1917 through October 1918, months when the Soviet political system still permitted a degree of electoral competition among political parties, he explores the moderate socialists' opposition to the Bolsheviks"--back cover.
In this major contribution to our understanding of the Russian Revolution, Vladimir Brovkin provides the fullest account to date of the Menshevik party during the first year of Soviet rule. Focusing on the period from October 1917 through October 1918—months when the Soviet political system still permitted a degree of electoral competition among political parties—he explores the moderate socialists' opposition to the Bolsheviks. Why, he asks, did the competition between the Bolsheviks and their socialist opponents lead to a violent confrontation? And how did their struggle shape the increasingly repressive political system that emerged during this period? Brovkin examines several major aspects of Menshevik party history in an effort to discover the organization's place in the revolutionary upheavals that rocked Russian society. He analyzes the debates within the party over the best policy for opposing the Bolsheviks and describes the Mensheviks' attempt to undermine their rivals by winning the support of the working class. He depicts too the struggle for party leadership and the changing composition of the membership. Finally, Brovkin explores the Mensheviks' interactions with their sometime ally the Socialist Revolutionary (SR) party and other opposition groups and traces the increasingly confrontational competition between the moderate socialists and the Bolsheviks, concluding his account with the onslaught of the Red Terror and the first stage of the civil war. Drawing on an impressive array of primary sources, Brovkin convincingly shows that as the political struggle progressed, the Mensheviks, together with the SRs, were seen as a serious challenge to the Bolsheviks. He argues, further, that the Bolsheviks' determination to counter this perceived threat led them to undertake the repressive actions that both crushed their opposition and transformed the Soviet government into a dictatorship.
To the Other Shore tells the story of a small but influential group of Jewish intellectuals who immigrated to the United States from the Russian Empire between 1881 and the early 1920s--the era of "mass immigration." This pioneer group of Jewish intellectuals, many of whom were raised in Orthodox homes, abandoned their Jewish identity, absorbed the radical political theories circulating in nineteenth-century Russia, and brought those theories with them to America. When they became leaders in the labor movement in the United States and wrote for the Yiddish, Russian, and English-language radical press, they generally retained the secularized Russian cultural identity they had adopted in their homeland, together with their commitment to socialist theories. This group includes Abraham Cahan, longtime editor of The Jewish Daily Forward and one of the most influential Jews in America during the first half of this century; Morris Hillquit, a founding figure of the American socialist movement; Michael Zametkin and his wife, Adella Kean, both journalists and labor activists in the early decades of this century; and Chaim Zhitlovsky, one of the most important Yiddish writers in modern times. These immigrants were part of the generation of Jewish intellectuals that preceded the better-known New York Intellectuals of the late 1920s and 1930s--the group chronicled in Irving Howe's World of Our Fathers. In To the Other Shore, Steven Cassedy offers a broad, clear-eyed portrait of the early Jewish emigré intellectuals in America and the Russian cultural and political doctrines that inspired them. Originally published in 1997. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Distinguished scholars of Russian Jewish history reflect on the pogroms in Tsarist and revolutionary Russia.
Alexander Bogdanov was a co-founder, with Lenin, of the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Party in 1904. After 1905, Bogdanov criticized Lenin's adaption of Bolshevism to the requirements of Duma politics and his authoritarian style of leadership. Expelled from the Bolshevik fraction in 1909, he at first formed the Forward faction of the RSDRP and then turned increasingly to scholarly and publicistic work. In 1910 he published Faith and Science, replying to Lenin's Materialism and Empiriocritcism, which had been written to discredit him. His ideas on the sociology of culture led to the founding of the Proletkult in 1917 and during the 1920s these ideas were taken up, adapted and often distorted in the course of the 'Cultural Revolution'. Bogdanov's textbooks in sociology and economics were widely used during the 1920s. Seeking to liberate Marxism from the shackles of Hegelianism, he developed a theory of 'organizational science' ('Tektology') which influenced early economic planning through the work of Groman and Bazarov. As a systems thinker, Bogdanov is now viewed as a precursor of Ludwig von Berthalanffy and Norbert Wiener. Arrested by the GPU in 1923, for alleged political opposition, Bogdanov withdrew even further from public life and returned to medicine, his original calling. In 1926 he founded the first Russian Institute of Blood Transfusion, presiding over pioneering work in this sphere until 1928 when he died. During the Stalin years, Bogdanov's works were judged to be heretical and were not republished. It was not until 1989 that his 'Universal Organizational Science' was republished, though his contribution to systems thinking had been recognized by Russian and East European systems thinkers as early as the 1960s. In the West. the importance of Bogdanov as a 'cultural Marxist', as an influence upon Gramsci, and as a pioneer in systems thinking, is increasingly being acknowledged. This bibliography of Bogdanov's works takes advantage of the opening of the Party and State archives and provides references to the principal relevant archives in Europe and the United States. Its publication is a landmark in the history of Bolshevism and in the history of Russian social thought.
In a series of probing analytical essays, John Marot tracks the development of Bolshevism through the prism of pre-1917 intra-Russian Social Democratic controversies in politics and philosophy. For 1917, the author presents a critique of social historical interpretation of the Russian Revolution. Turning to NEP Russia, the author applies Robert Brenner's analysis of pre-capitalist modes of production and concludes that neither Bukharin nor Trotsky's NEP-premised programs of economic transformation and advance toward socialism were feasible. At the same time, he rejects the view that Stalinism was pre-destined to supplant NEP. Instead, he hypothesises that the superior alternative to Stalinism was NEP without collectivization and the Five-Year Plans — a outcome that would have been possible had Bukharin and Trotsky joined forces to stop Stalin.
Countering the powerful myth that the civil war in Russia was largely between the "Whites" and the "Reds," Vladimir Brovkin views the struggle as a multifaceted social and political process. Brovkin focuses not so much on armies and governments as on the interaction of state institutions, political parties, and social movements on both Red and White territories. In the process, he exposes the weaknesses of the various warring factions in a Russia plagued by strikes, mutinies, desertion, and rebellions. The Whites benefited from popular resistance to the Reds, and the Reds, from resistance to the Whites. In Brovkin's view, neither regime enjoyed popular support. Pacification campaigns, mass shooting, deportations, artillery shelling of villages, and terror were the essence of the conflict, and when the Whites were defeated, the war against the Greens, the peasant rebels, went on. Drawing on a remarkable array of previously untapped sources, Brovkin convicts the early Bolsheviks of crimes similar to those later committed by Stalin. What emerges "behind the front lines" is a picture of how diverse forces—Cossacks, Ukrainians, Greens, Mensheviks, and SRs, as well as Whites and Bolsheviks—created the tragic victory of a party that had no majority support. This book has important contemporary implications as the world again asks an old question: Can Russian statehood prevail over local, regional, and national identities? Originally published in 1994. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
In this first full-length biography of Alexander Bogdanov, James D. White traces the intellectual development of this key socialist thinker, situating his ideas in the context of the Russian revolutionary movement. He examines the part Bogdanov played in the origins of Bolshevism, his role in the revolutions of 1905 and 1917 and his conflict with Lenin, which lasted into Soviet times. The book examines in some detail Bogdanov’s intellectual legacy, which, though deliberately obscured and distorted by his adversaries, was considerable and is of lasting significance. Bogdanov was an original and influential interpreter of Marx. He had a mastery of many spheres of knowledge, this expertise being employed in writing his chief theoretical work Tectology, which anticipates modern systems theory. See inside the book.
Over the five years following the Russian revolution of 1917 there occurred a brilliant outburst of theory and criticism among Russian intellectuals struggling to comprehend their country's vast social upheaval. Much of their intense speculation focused on issues that are still hotly debated: Was this socialism? Why had the revolution happened in Russia? What did Bolshevik power mean for Russia and the Western world? This compelling study recovers these early responses to 1917 and analyzes the specific ideological context out of which they emerged. Jane Burbank explores the ideas and experiences of diverse prominent intellectuals, ranging from the monarchists on the right to the Mensheviks, Socialist revolutionaries, and Anarchists on the left. Following these thinkers through the turbulent years of civil war and rebuilding of state power, Burbank shows how revolution both revitalized their political culture and exposed the fragile basis of its existence.