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Originally published in 1963, The Railwaymen recounts the struggle of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants from its foundation in 1872 until the first national railway strike in 1911 to gain recognition from the companies and a reduction in the excessive hours of labour and the scandalously high accident rate among railwaymen. Two chapters recall the decisive role of the union, through the Taff Vale and Osborne cases in shaping the modern labour movement. Founded through the merging of three unions in 1913, the NUR crossed swords with Lloyd George in the railway strike of 1919 and with Baldwin and Churchill in the general strike. It led the railwaymen through two world wars, helped shape the transport act of 1947 and, after 1951, thought for the re-establishment of an adequate system of public transport.
This set of 14 volumes, originally published between 1932 and 1995, amalgamates several topics on the history of education between the years 1800 and 1926, including women and education, education and the working-class, and the history of universities in the United Kingdom. This set also includes titles that focus on key figures in education, such as Samuel Wilderspin, Georg Kerschensteiner and Edward Thring. This collection of books from some of the leading scholars in the field provides a comprehensive overview of the subject and will be of particular interest to students of history, education and those undertaking teaching qualifications.
Since World War II, the British Labour Party has played a central role in dealing with complex international issues. Achieving real power in parliament for the first time, Labour governments have acted responsibly, and are usually in accord with the views of a substantial majority of the British people. Such was not always the case. In British Labour Seeks a Foreign Policy, 1900-1940, Henry R. Winkler synthesizes twenty years' study of the subject to offer the first full-scale treatment of the Labour Party's evolution in foreign affairs. The Labour Party came into existence at the beginning of the twentieth century to deal with the domestic problems of the working class, and it showed relatively little interest in foreign policy issues. In the aftermath of World War I, however, small groups of moderates made the case against the bitter rejection of the Versailles Treaty by many in the Labour Party and the trade union movement. Most of these argued that the League of Nations could be used to remedy some of the deficiencies of the settlement and that such a League must have the sanction of force if it was to be effective. During the 1930s, the failures of the League--in the Far East, Abyssinia, Spain, and Central Europe--compelled some of its advocates to conclude that, League or no League, the threat from Nazi Germany mandated support for a program of preparedness and rearmament even under the aegis of a hated National Government. The result, by 1937, was the final formal abandonment of many of the radical illusions of the twenties and thirties, as Labour reluctantly but formally assumed a posture that enabled it to share in the governance of wartime Britain and to take a key role in dealing with the international issues that emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War. This volume contains valuable lessons on the responsibilities of political parties as well as the pros and cons of specific policies. It is essential reading for understanding Britain's later stands as its leaders tried to adjust to Britain's diminished power in the post-World War II world.
This second volume of the trilogy is a self-contained account of the great struggle between Stalin and Trotsky that followed the end of the civil war in Russia in 1921 and the death of Lenin.