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The Darul Islam rebellion, striving for the establishment of an Islamic State of Indonesia, broke out in several areas since 1949. The author describes each of these Darul Islam rebellions and identifies some of the factors which may help to explain their outbreak and persistence. Ch. 1 sketches life and background of the most important Darul Islam leader: S.M. Kartosuwirjo. In the next five chapters the political history of the relevant regions (West Java, Central Java, South Sulawesi, South Kalimantan and Aceh) and their respective Darul Islam risings are outlined. Ch. 7 discusses the question of why people joined the Darul Islam.
Provides a broader perspective about contemporary Islam in Indonesia through discussing two streams of thought and movements - Islamic modernism and radical Islamic fundamentalism. This book is suitable for understanding the comprehensive challenges posed by radical Islam in the Indonesian archipelago.
Contesting Indonesia explains Islamist, separatist and communal violence across Indonesian history since 1945. In a sweeping argument that connects endemic violence to a national narrative, Kirsten E. Schulze finds that the outbreak of violence is related to competing local notions of the national imaginary as well as contentious belonging. Through detailed examination of six case studies: the Darul Islam rebellions, Jemaah Islamiyah's jihad, and the conflicts in East Timor, Aceh, Poso, and Ambon, Schulze argues that violence was more likely to occur in places that are on the geographic, ideological, ethnic, and religious periphery of the Indonesian state; that violence by non-state actors was most protracted in locations where there was a well-established alternative national imaginary supported by an alternative historical narrative; and that violence by the state was most likely in places where the state had a significant territorial interest. Drawing on a vast collection of interviews and archival and published sources, Contesting Indonesia provides a new understanding of the history of violence across the Indonesian archipelago.
In the mid 1990s, al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya was one of the most active terrorist groups in Egypt. By 2002, the organization renounced armed action, dismantled its military wing, and published volumes of ideological revisions. What explains such a drastic transformation? The Violence Pendulum answers this question, and provides a dynamic theoretical framework that explains why Islamist organizations move towards or away from violence. Matesan applies this theoryto four Islamist groups in Egypt and in Indonesia, tracing their evolution, and showing how specific historical junctures can be understood within a broader framework of tactical change.
This book explores two of the most crucial areas of the war on terror: 1) why some Muslims turn to violent jihad, and 2) that process in the world's most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia. The recent history of terrorism in Indonesia has brought this country into the world spotlight: the Bali night club bombing by Islamists in 2002 was one of the worst terrorist attacks in history. The recent violence following the executions of three of the Bali bombers, together with a number of thwarted bomb plots, demonstrate the continuing danger posed by radicalized violent Islamists in the country. Written by one of Southeast Asias leading counter-terrorism experts, Radical Pathways offers innovative new perspectives on the sources of violent Muslim radicalization and what should be done to counter it.
A testament to the relevance of historical research in understanding contemporary politics, Islam and the Making of the Nation guides the reader through the contingencies of the past that have led to the transformation of a nationalist leader into a 'separatist rebel' and a 'martyr', while at the same time shaping the public perception of political Islam and strengthening the position of the Pancasila in contemporary Indonesia.
When armed insurgents began to attack government soldiers in the Indonesian province of Aceh with increasing frequency in the middle of 1989, it was apparent that this distinctive part of the far-flung republic was adding yet another period of turmoil, rebellion, and blood-letting to those that had marked its history over the previous hundred years. Famous for their long war against the Dutch in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Acehnese were equally well-known for their willingness to resort to arms to defend their identity and interests against the encroachments of postindependence Indonesian governments. As early as 1953 a rebellion had broken out against the central government, and in the latter part of the 1970s another attempt had been made to foment revolt. This study seeks to explain the reasons for the most recent uprising in Aceh. Part One sketches the region's history up to the mid-1960s. Part Two examines the economic, political, and social changes that have occurred in Aceh over the past quarter of a century, under the New Order regime: the roots of rebellion in the province. This analysis goes beyond the period defined in the title of the study: the end of rebellion does not mean that its root causes have been resolved. Part Three looks at the rebellion itself, and at the complexion of political power in Aceh in the early 1990s. Part Four summarizes the principal arguments of the monograph. The main thesis of this study is that exploitation of Aceh's resources for the benefit of the central government; economic stagnation in the province itself; governmental and political overcentralization which has served to disenfranchise the people of the region; and social changes which have led to the mass of Acehnese losing their traditional social and political leaders, have combined to open the way for an armed separatist movement to foment rebellion in the province.
Since the Bali terrorist attacks in 2002, law enforcement agencies have rigorously combatted terrorist networks in Southeast Asia, yet groups motivated by violent extremist interpretations of Islam remain resilient and dangerous. This book shines a light on specific beliefs, behaviors, and policies that impact these challenges, ultimately offering cutting-edge, effective tools for response. The book begins by challenging misguided and controversial notions that depict Islam as an inherently violent religion, arguing that the theological-ideological amalgam of what has been called Salafabism is the more useful lens for recognizing closed-minded extremist currents. The book carefully distinguishes this Salafabist extremist mindset from relatively open-minded Salafabist radicalism, paying due attention to "nonviolent extremists" and the ways they can contribute to rather than reduce violent terrorist activity in the region. Using poignant case studies from Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia, the book clarifies a bewildering range of terminology associated with Islamist violence and explains how imprecise and oversimplified narratives are destructive to progress--and worse, empowering to terrorist organizations. These chapters build up to research-informed policies and rhetorical recommendations for improved outcomes. With its novel insights into the root causes of extremist terrorism in Southeast Asia, the ineffective policies that prohibit progress and promote unrest in this region, and the avenues for positive change, this book offers a comprehensive strategy for fostering theologically sound yet culturally authentic counterterrorist measures that defend the complex, richly textured tapestry of culture in Southeast Asia.
The Masyumi Party, which was active in Indonesia from 1945 to 1960, constitutes the boldest attempt to date at reconciling Islam and democracy. Masyumi proposed a vision of society and government which was not bound by a literalist application of Islamic doctrine but rather inspired by the values of Islam. It set out moderate policies which were both favourable to the West and tolerant towards other religious communities in Indonesia. Although the party made significant strides towards the elaboration of a Muslim democracy, its achievements were nonetheless precarious: it was eventually outlawed in 1960 for having resisted Sukarno’s slide towards authoritarianism, and the refusal of Suharto’s regime to reinstate the party left its leaders disenchanted and marginalised. Many of those leaders subsequently turned to a form of Islam known as integralism, a radical doctrine echoing certain characteristics of 19th-century Catholic integralism, which contributed to the advent of Muslim neo-fundamentalism in Indonesia. This book examines the Masyumi Party from its roots in early 20th-century Muslim reformism to its contemporary legacy, and offers a perspective on political Islam which provides an alternative to the more widely-studied model of Middle-Eastern Islam. The party’s experience teaches us much about the fine line separating a moderate form of Islam open to democracy and a certain degree of secularisation from the sort of religious intransigence which can threaten the country’s denominational coexistence.
"This is an excellent book which will have a major impact on the current debate about the relationship between Islam and politics in Indonesia. Its greatest strength is its innovative characterization of three Indonesian Muslim models of polity, as opposed to the normal two, Islamic state and secular state. Assyaukanie brilliantly delineates a third model, which he calls the Religious Democratic State, in the process greatly clarifying our understanding of the previous models, which he now proposes to label the Islamic Democratic State and the Liberal Democratic State. Another strength of the book is methodological. Each of its arguments is solidly grounded in the thoughts and actions of particular players, Indonesian Muslim thinkers and activists." - Professor William R. Liddle, The Ohio State University, USA