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The Two Faces of American Freedom boldly reinterprets the American political tradition from the colonial period to modern times, placing issues of race relations, immigration, and presidentialism in the context of shifting notions of empire and citizenship. Today, while the U.S. enjoys tremendous military and economic power, citizens are increasingly insulated from everyday decision-making. This was not always the case. America, Aziz Rana argues, began as a settler society grounded in an ideal of freedom as the exercise of continuous self-rule—one that joined direct political participation with economic independence. However, this vision of freedom was politically bound to the subordination of marginalized groups, especially slaves, Native Americans, and women. These practices of liberty and exclusion were not separate currents, but rather two sides of the same coin. However, at crucial moments, social movements sought to imagine freedom without either subordination or empire. By the mid-twentieth century, these efforts failed, resulting in the rise of hierarchical state and corporate institutions. This new framework presented national and economic security as society’s guiding commitments and nurtured a continual extension of America’s global reach. Rana envisions a democratic society that revives settler ideals, but combines them with meaningful inclusion for those currently at the margins of American life.
In The Two Faces of National Interest, W. David Clinton sets out to form a clear definition of a concept that may have become too elastic for its (and our) own good, and to ascertain its utility in the field of foreign relations. Much of the confusion surrounding the term national interest, Clinton argues, stems from the fact that analysts and officials use it in two different senses, without defining it precisely or making clear which sense they mean in any particular case. In Part One of his study, Clinton presents a clarification of the two meanings - one, the common good of a society, which necessarily looks inward to the basic principles of the domestic regime; the other, a specific claim, which can be supported by justifying arguments, made by the state on other states or the society of states. Clinton lays out the critics' case against national interest, suggests that his definition meets the objections, and considers the special case of the fit between national-interest thinking and the American diplomatic tradition. In Part Two, Clinton uses this definition to consider four departures in American foreign policy - that is, significant turns in policy that occasioned reexamination of the requirements of the national interest - since World war II. The preparation of the Marshall Plan and the decision to enter the Korean war both came during the Truman presidency and together did much to define containment; the evolution of the Nixon Doctrine and of the Carter policy on human rights accompanied the end of the containment consensus and marked attempts to devise a new roster of asserted interests. Interpreting these events by means of the society's national interest and the several national interests or claims pressed by it on the international setting, Clinton concludes that the concept of national interest, if used carefully, remains a valuable tool for understanding international relations. In presenting a balanced treatment of what is sometimes an extremely controversial subject, Clinton addresses an issue largely ignored since Charles Beard and Hans J. Morgenthau. Written with grace and power, The Two Faces of National Interest is an informed, thought-provoking, and authoritative work that will have enduring value as a scholarly and public information.
In Faces of Internationalism, Eugene R. Wittkopf examines the changing nature of public attitudes toward American foreign policy in the post-Vietnam era and the role that public opinion plays in the American foreign policymaking process. Drawing on new data--four mass and four elite opinion surveys undertaken by the Chicago Council of Foreign Relations from 1974 to 1986--combined with sophisticated analysis techniques, Wittkopf offers a pathbreaking study that addresses the central question of the relationship of a democracy to its foreign policy. The breakdown of the "consensus" approach to American foreign policy after the Cold War years has become the subject of much analysis. This study contributes to revisionist scholarship by describing the beliefs and preferences that have emerged in the wake of this breakdown. Wittkopf counters traditional views by demonstrating the persistence of U.S. public opinion defined by two dominant and distinct attitudes in the post-Vietnam war years--cooperative and militant internationalism. The author explores the nature of these two "faces" of internationalism, focusing on the extent to which elites and masses share similar opinions and the political and sociodemographic correlates of belief systems. Wittkopf also offers an original examination of the relationship between beliefs and preferences.
Focusing on a range of regional cases, the book evaluates the respective weight of national interest and internationalist (solidarity) considerations. Ultimately, while classical national interest considerations remain to this day a powerful motivation for power projection, the book shows how an enlightened conception of national interest can encompass solidarity concerns, and how such a balancing of the imperatives of both national interest and solidarity is the major challenge facing decision-makers.--Publisher's description.
Stephen Krasner's assumption of a distinction between state and society is the root of his argument for the superiority of a statist interpretation of American foreign policy. Here he challenges the two dominant and rival interpretations of the relationship between state and society: interest group liberalism and Marxism. He contends that the state is an autonomous entity acting on behalf of the national interest, and that state behavior cannot be explained by group or class interest. On the basis of fifteen case studies drawn from extensive public records and published literature on American raw materials policy in the twentieth-century, Professor Krasner provides empirical substance to the debate about the meaning of the "national interest," the importance of bureaucratic politics, and the influence of business on American foreign policy.
The Alliance has endeavoured to identify a new raison d'être since 1991, but no unifying set of priorities has surfaced. In the absence of a menace to their vital interests, and with fundamental policy differences dividing North America and Europe, NATO is succumbing to the pressure of the times.