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Jakarta, Sambas, Poso, the Moluccas, West Papua. These simple, geographical names have recently obtained strong associations with mass killing, just as Aceh and East Timor, where large-scale violence has flared up again. Lethal incidents between adjacent villages, or between a petty criminal and the crowd, take place throughout Indonesia. Indonesia is a violent country. Many Indonesia-watchers, both scholars and journalists, explain the violence in terms of the loss of the monopoly on the means of violence by the state since the beginning of the Reformasi in 1998. Others point at the omnipresent remnants of the New Order state (1966-1998), former President Suharto's clan or the army in particular, as the evil genius behind the present bloodshed. The authors in this volume try to explain violence in Indonesia by looking at it in historical perspective.
The definitive account of one of the twentieth century’s most brutal, yet least examined, episodes of genocide and detention The Killing Season explores one of the largest and swiftest, yet least examined, instances of mass killing and incarceration in the twentieth century—the shocking antileftist purge that gripped Indonesia in 1965–66, leaving some five hundred thousand people dead and more than a million others in detention. An expert in modern Indonesian history, genocide, and human rights, Geoffrey Robinson sets out to account for this violence and to end the troubling silence surrounding it. In doing so, he sheds new light on broad, enduring historical questions. How do we account for instances of systematic mass killing and detention? Why are some of these crimes remembered and punished, while others are forgotten? Based on a rich body of primary and secondary sources, The Killing Season is the definitive account of a pivotal period in Indonesian history.
The violence directed against the political left in Indonesia from 1965 until 1968 has been the subject of intense speculation. The large number of deaths and brutal interrogations, as well as rape, torture, short- and long-term detention and on-going discrimination inflicted on hundreds of thousands of people, makes this a compelling topic. However, political sensitivities within Indonesia and a dearth of evidence made serious research on the topic extremely difficult under the New Order regime. The Contours of Mass Violence in Indonesia presents case studies from diverse locations throughout the Indonesian archipelago. The accounts revolve around the impact and interpretations of the September 30th Movement and its aftermath; the roles of military and civilian groups in fomenting and perpetrating violence; short- and long-term detention; and the legacies of the assault on the political Left. Although events unfolded differently in various parts of the country, the violence amounted to a counter-revolution intended to curtail the mass mobilization and popular participation unleashed by the national revolution some twenty years earlier. The goal was to destroy the social bases of President Sukarno's left-leaning Guided Democracy, and to establish a military regime that was authoritarian and pro-Western. Students of Indonesia will learn much from the accounts in this volume, but the discussion will also benefit scholars concerned with the dynamics of mass violence, the Cold War, regime change and counter-revolution.
In the early morning hours of October 1, 1965, a group calling itself the September 30th Movement kidnapped and executed six generals of the Indonesian army, including its highest commander. The group claimed that it was attempting to preempt a coup, but it was quickly defeated as the senior surviving general, Haji Mohammad Suharto, drove the movement’s partisans out of Jakarta. Riding the crest of mass violence, Suharto blamed the Communist Party of Indonesia for masterminding the movement and used the emergency as a pretext for gradually eroding President Sukarno’s powers and installing himself as a ruler. Imprisoning and killing hundreds of thousands of alleged communists over the next year, Suharto remade the events of October 1, 1965 into the central event of modern Indonesian history and the cornerstone of his thirty-two-year dictatorship. Despite its importance as a trigger for one of the twentieth century’s worst cases of mass violence, the September 30th Movement has remained shrouded in uncertainty. Who actually masterminded it? What did they hope to achieve? Why did they fail so miserably? And what was the movement’s connection to international Cold War politics? In Pretext for Mass Murder, John Roosa draws on a wealth of new primary source material to suggest a solution to the mystery behind the movement and the enabling myth of Suharto’s repressive regime. His book is a remarkable feat of historical investigation. Finalist, Social Sciences Book Award, the International Convention of Asian Scholars
Between 1965 and 1968, it is estimated that the Suharto regime massacred close to 500,000 alleged communists. This volume contains previously published material, which details the mass killings of 1965 and 1966 in Indonesia. Background information and first person accounts of the events are provided as well, to give the reader a more rounded knowledge of the events. Critical information is broken out and encapsulated into charts, timelines, and graphs. Maps are provided, detailing key geographic information.
History is an important, dangerous, and fragile subject. Historical thought can be censored in widely diverging political and historiographical contexts, as historians are well aware. Yet the problems of censorship, often thought to be obvious, are rarely studied. Filling a significant void, this guide supplies information on the censorship of historical thought and the fate of persecuted historians in over 130 countries from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe and from 1945 to 2000. With each entry providing a chronological overview of cases and giving a full listing of sources, the book is the first systematic effort to overview the repression of historical thought. Aiming to encompass all countries in which censorship and persecution have taken place, De Baets sketches a world map of repression that goes beyond the well-known and well-studied cases. It assembles scattered data from three types of sources: the works of censors and censored, historical and biographical dictionaries and historiographical surveys, and reports from international human rights organizations. Showing the universality of historical censorship and its infinite variety in amount and degree, the book also provides a basis for further comparative research.
Asian Cultural Studies or Cultural Studies in Asia is a new and burgeoning field, and the Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Journal is at its cutting edge. Committed to bringing Asian Cultural Studies scholarship to the international English speaking world and constantly challenging existing conceptions of cultural studies, the journal has emerged as the leading publication in Cultural Studies in Asia. The Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Reader brings together the best of the ground breaking papers published in the journal and includes a new introduction by the editors, Chen Kuan-Hsing and Chua Beng Huat. Essays are grouped in thematic sections, including issues which are important across the region, such as State violence and social movements and work produced by IACS sub-groups, such as feminism, queer studies, cinema studies and popular culture studies. The Reader provides useful alternative case studies and challenging perspectives, which will be invaluable for both students and scholars in media and cultural studies.
In the discourse of Indonesian literature history, the relationship between literature and politics is pressing issue, a situation that cannot be easily to overcome. A long time ago, during the Dutch colonial government, there was a rule that literature should not discuss ideology, religion, and politics. This colonial policy lasts and never changes even though Indonesia was already get its independence. Thats why Indonesian literary society and writers have a strong believe that literature must not be involved in politics and it must not have any moral and political goals. Literature cannot be related to real-life directly because literature is only a fictional work. The historical aspects outside literature are considered as a background or a foreground that cannot destroy the authentic characteristics of the literary works as imaginary fictional works. Literary works tend to be only considered as entertainment tools that narrate an alternative world, which is totally different from the world where we are living. This book will be the first in discussing the relationship between literature and politics. Students and experts of various sciences who would like to understand the episteme of the New Order can get benefits from this book. This book gives us a reflection that the development is for human beings, not the human beings are for the development. The humanistic development dimension must be a must. Literary works still exist continuously to guard the Indonesians' struggles in defending their human dignity.