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This book provides a detailed account of the history, consequences, and events leading up to the ‘Inkathagate Scandal’ which changed the course of South African history. It states that Inkathagate was the work of one man – Brian Morrow – who outraged by the racism, corruption and torture rife in the Security Branch of the South African Police in Durban where he worked, resolved to do something to expose the reality of apartheid hidden from white South Africa and the world. It also discusses the Inkatha files, which Morrow had covertly copied and handed to the media in 1991, and also analyses Morrow’s purpose, ambitions, and what followed after. Print editions not for sale in Sub-Saharan Africa. This book is part of Routledge’s co-published series 30 Years of Democracy in South Africa, in collaboration with UNISA Press, which reflects on the past years of a democratic South Africa and assesses the future opportunities and challenges.
To Serve and Protect reveals, for the first time, the sensational details behind the South African Apartheid government's clandestine funding of Mangosuthu Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party, as well as the events that led up to the so-called 'Inkathagate Scandal.' The book is all the more remarkable in identifying the entire expose as the work of one man - a white conscript - who served in the South African police's Security Branch. Brian Morrow's account provides graphic and disturbing details of how the South African police embarked on a 'dirty tricks' campaign with the aim of harassing anti-Apartheid activists. Morrow spent his years in the Security Branch, gathering files that conclusively proved that the government was funding Inkatha to fuel black-on-black political infighting. The book outlines how the police's 'brotherhood of silence' code was prevalent in the force and how it was frequently used to subvert the course of justice. To Serve and Protect also provides a unique insight into the murky world of espionage, outlining the elaborate schemes devised to recruit South African agents for the British Intelligence agencies MI5 and MI6. "The man who may have changed the course of South African History" is how a Weekly Mail headline described Brian Morrow in 1995, when he revealed his identity as the Inkathagate whistleblower.
'External Mission helped me understand better how the phenomenon of Jacob Zuma, and his main legacy – state capture – became possible.' – MAX DU PREEZ After the ANC was banned by the apartheid government in 1960, many of its leaders and members were forced to leave the country. During the next three decades, it had to operate in exile and underground. Yet the real history of this period remains shrouded in mystery. Some events, such as the Rhodesian campaign of 1967–1968 and the Kabwe conference of 1985, are well known, but lesser known are the intense factional struggles within the organisation, recurring pro-democracy protests and the creation of a security apparatus that inspired widespread fear. Some networks within the exiled ANC became heavily involved in corruption, even colluding with elements of the apartheid security police and secret services. External Mission aims to provide a full account of the ANC's years in exile, penetrating the secrecy the organisation erected around itself and testing the myths that emerged from that period. It is based on an exceptionally wide range of sources, including the ANC's own archives and foreign archives such as those in East Germany, where the movement's security personnel were trained. Incisive and revealing, External Mission is key to understanding South Africa today.
To Swim with Crocodiles: Land, Violence, and Belonging in South Africa, 1800–1996 offers a fresh perspective on the history of rural politics in South Africa, from the rise of the Zulu kingdom to the civil war at the dawn of democracy in KwaZulu-Natal. The book shows how Africans in the Table Mountain region drew on the cultural inheritance of ukukhonza—a practice of affiliation that binds together chiefs and subjects—to seek social and physical security in times of war and upheaval. Grounded in a rich combination of archival sources and oral interviews, this book examines relations within and between chiefdoms to bring wider concerns of African studies into focus, including land, violence, chieftaincy, ethnic and nationalist politics, and development. Colonial indirect rule, segregation, and apartheid attempted to fix formerly fluid polities into territorial “tribes” and ethnic identities, but the Zulu practice of ukukhonza maintained its flexibility and endured. By exploring what Zulu men and women knew about and how they remembered ukukhonza, Kelly reveals how Africans envisioned and defined relationships with the land, their chiefs, and their neighbors as white minority rule transformed the countryside and local institutions of governance.
In Bantu Authorities: Apartheid's System of Race and Ethnicity, Veronica Ehrenreich-Risner provides the first holistic study of the Bantu Authorities (BA) system that implemented rural apartheid. The system extended segregation by including ethnos theory to establish underfunded “self-governing” homelands to curb the expense of “native” administration yet retain control of the cheap labor upon which white capital depended. Based on over sixty interviews with Zulus and former commissioners, and archival research, Bantu Authorities proves the primary objective of the system was to protect white capital, with white racial purity secondary. Ehrenreich-Risner argues that the system disrupted the Brownlee tradition of guardianship for commissioners and the tradition of reciprocity for ubukhosi. Bantu Authorities ends by examining the lingering consequences of rural apartheid and asks what rural Africans have gained with majority rule when they remain bound to BA structures.
This book provides a detailed account of the history, consequences, and events leading up to the 'Inkathagate Scandal'. Amongst other topics, it also discusses the Inkatha files, which Brian Morrow had covertly copied and handed to the media, and also analyses his purpose, ambitions, and what followed after.
CD-ROM contains full text of print volumes and expanded name index.
Nelson Mandela called the Black Sash, founded in May 1955 to contest legislation that removed coloured South Africans from the common voters' roll in the Cape, the 'conscience of white South Africa'. Adopting a radical critique of the national condition, Sash maintained high-profile protest against iniquitous apartheid legislation through the darkest hours of recent South African history. It also ran advice offices that assisted those disempowered by racist legislation and used the information gathered to support its political campaigns. This book chronicles the history of the Natal Midlands branch based in Pietermaritzburg. What was the relevance and legacy of the Black Sash, the women's anti-apartheid organisation, and what did this mean to its members? This book looks specifically at the Natal Midlands (Pietermaritzburg) region and the distinctiveness of its contribution. Like other regions it supported the liberation struggle through public protest and educational campaigns aimed at exposing iniquitous apartheid legislation. In a police state this required considerable determination and courage. During the darkest hours Natal Midlands Sash kept alive hope for universal civil rights in a democratic South Africa. The Pietermaritzburg Advice Office became one of the country's busiest, specialising in old age pension and disability grant issues. Knowledge painstakingly gathered about life for black South Africans was fed back into Sash's political and information campaigns while Natal Midlands produced several significant publications. One of the smaller branches, it punched above its weight. Whether Sash was a political pressure group of women, or a women's organisation challenging patriarchy, it generated lively debate. Environmental issues were also accorded a high priority. Fifteen interviews show that involvement in Sash was a life-enhancing experience for many members who have looked back with pride and honour at their part in the anti-apartheid movement from 1955 to 1994.