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Excerpt from Thomas Hart Benton, And, Gouverneur Morris The statesmanship of Theodore Roosevelt consisted in the interpretation of a great period in American his tory. The policies he championed were but the expres sions of public will which itself owed from profound and elemental economic and social changes. Theodore Roosevelt led an historic movement. Long before he became President he saw that America had reached the point where a transition from an outworn to a modern economic and social order was indispensable. To effect this transition was the great work of his life, and it is the accomplishment of that fundamental advance that makes his career epochal. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works."
"An ever-present figure in the early days of the nation, Gouverneur Morris left an indelible mark on the country's future development. While in the New York State legislature, he was part of the committee that wrote the state's constitution. He went on to write some of the most critical documents of the Second Continental Congress, gaining the enduring admiration of George Washington, who later appointed him minister to France. At the Office of Finance he helped to develop the basic plan for the coinage system that remains in use today, and in private business he was instrumental in the planning and establishment of the Bank of North America.".
This book examines the political thought of Theodore Roosevelt, specifically his ceaseless desire and effort to reconcile America's individualistic tradition with the more collectivistic ideals of his Progressive brethren. Many scholars and lay-people alike cast Roosevelt as either 'conservative' or 'liberal,' but his political thought defies so simple an interpretation; it was more nuanced and had a larger purpose than mere ideology. A thorough study of Roosevelt's writings reveals his conviction that the concepts of personal autonomy and civic concern were not mutually exclusive. In fact, Roosevelt argued that it was because the principles of self-reliance and personal freedom were important that it was sometimes necessary for the entire community to use its collective power_and, in some cases, the institutions of the government_to enable individuals to do what they could not do alone. Moreover, while Roosevelt advocated and was responsible for a great expansion in the regulatory powers of the national government, he understood, in contrast to many other Progressive reformers, that inspirational rhetoric and positive example could be as good as institutional reform and the force of law in compelling individuals to support one another in a spirit of civic attachment. In his public writings, Roosevelt sought to shape the American mind in ways that he thought proper. Even his writings on nature, hunting, ranching, and military life were part of his political thought in that they were intended to teach Americans about the importance of balancing those individualistic values that are healthy and vital to a society (discipline, personal responsibility, and a strong work ethic) with such positive collectivistic values as an appreciation for mutual support and a concern for the good of the community.
Reproduction of the original: Thomas Hart Benton by Theodore Roosevelt
The turn of the 20th century represented one of the most chaotic periods in the nation's history, as immigrants, Native Americans, and African Americans struggled with their roles as Americans while white America feared their encroachments on national identity. This book examines Theodore Roosevelt’s public rhetoric—speeches, essays, and narrative histories—as he attempted to craft one people out of many. Leroy G. Dorsey observes that Roosevelt's solution to the problem appeared straightforward: everyone could become "Americans, pure and simple" if they embraced his notion of "Americanism." Roosevelt grounded his idea of Americanism in myth, particularly the frontier myth—a heroic combination of individual strength and character. When nonwhites and immigrants demonstrated these traits, they would become true Americans, earning an exalted status that they had heretofore been denied. Dorsey’s analysis illuminates how Roosevelt's rhetoric achieved a number of delicate, if problematic, balancing acts. Roosevelt gave his audiences the opportunity to accept a national identity that allowed "some" room for immigrants and nonwhites, while reinforcing their status as others, thereby reassuring white Americans of their superior place in the nation. Roosevelt’s belief in an ordered and unified nation did not overwhelm his private racist attitudes, Dorsey argues, but certainly competed with them. Despite his private sentiments, he recognized that racist beliefs and rhetoric were divisive and bad for the nation’s progress. The resulting message he chose to propagate was thus one of a rhetorical, if not literal, melting pot. By focusing on Roosevelt’s rhetorical constructions of national identity, as opposed to his personal exploits or his role as a policy maker, We Are All Americans offers new insights into Roosevelt’s use of public discourse to bind the nation together during one of the most polarized periods in its history.
This book examines President Theodore Roosevelt’s use of the United States naval services as supporting components of his diplomatic efforts to facilitate the emergence of the United States as a Great Power at the dawn of the 20th century. After reviewing the development of Roosevelt’s personal philosophy with regard to naval power, the book traverses four chapters that reveal Roosevelt’s use of the Navy and Marine Corps to support American interests during the historically controversial Venezuelan Crisis (1902-03), Panama’s independence movement (1903), the Morocco-Perciaris Incident (1904) and the choice of a navy yard as the sight for the negotiations that ended the Russo-Japanese War. The voyage of the Great White Fleet and Roosevelt’s actions to technologically transform the American Navy are also covered. In the end the book details how Roosevelt’s actions combined to thrust the United States forward onto the world’s stage as a major player, and cemented T.R’s place in American history as a great president despite the fact that he did not serve during a time of war or major domestic disturbance. This history provides new information that finally lays to rest the controversy of whether Theodore Roosevelt did or did not issue an ultimatum to the German and British governments in December, 1902, bringing the United States to the brink of war with two of the world’s great powers. It also reveals a secret war plan developed during Panama’s independence movement which envisioned the United States Marine Corps invading Colombia to defend the sovereignty of the new Panamanian republic.