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Excerpt from The Works of Charles Sumner, Vol. 13 Whereas the inland postage on a letter through out the United States is three cents, while the ocean postage on a similar letter to Great Britain, under a recent convention, is twelve cents, and on a letter to France is thirty cents, being a burdensome tax, amounting often to a prohibition of foreign correspondence, yet letters can be carried at less cost on sea than on land; and whereas, by increasing correspondence, and also by bringing into the mails mailable matter often now clandestinely conveyed, cheap ocean postage would become self-supporting; and whereas cheap ocean postage would tend to quicken commerce, to diffuse knowledge, to promote the intercourse of families and friends separated by the ocean, to multiply the bonds of peace and goodwill among men and nations, to advance the progress of liberal ideas, and thus, while important to every citizen, it would become the active ally of the merchant, the emigrant, the philanthropist, and the friend of liberty: Therefore. Be it resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to open negotiations with the European powers, particularly with Great Britain, France, and Germany, for the establishment of cheap ocean postage. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
In the decade that followed the Civil War, two questions dominated political debate: To what degree were African Americans now “equal” to white Americans, and how should this equality be implemented in law? Although Republicans entertained multiple, even contradictory, answers to these questions, the party committed itself to several civil rights initiatives. When Congress passed the Thirteenth Amendment, the 1866 Civil Rights Act, the Fourteenth Amendment, and the Fifteenth Amendment, it justified these decisions with a broad egalitarian rhetoric. This rhetoric altered congressional culture, instituting new norms that made equality not merely an ideal,but rather a pragmatic aim for political judgments. Kirt Wilson examines Reconstruction’s desegregation debate to explain how it represented an important movement in the evolution of U.S. race relations. He outlines how Congress fought to control the scope of black civil rights by contesting the definition of black equality, and the expediency and constitutionality of desegregation. Wilson explores how the debate over desegregation altered public memory about slavery and the Civil War, while simultaneously shaping a political culture that established the trajectory of race relations into the next century.
The phrase “early modern” challenges readers and scholars to explore ways in which that period expands and refines contemporary views of the modern. The original essays in Milton’s Modernities undertake such exploration in the context of the work of John Milton, a poet whose prodigious energies simultaneously point to the past and future. Bristling with insights on Milton’s major works, Milton’s Modernities offers fresh perspectives on the thinkers central to our theorizations of modernity: from Lucretius and Spinoza, Hegel and Kant, to Benjamin and Deleuze. At the volume's core is an embrace of the possibilities unleashed by current trends in philosophy, variously styled as the return to ethics, or metaphysics, or religion. These make all the more visible Milton’s dialogues with later modernity, dialogues that promise to generate much critical discussion in early modern studies and beyond. Such approaches necessarily challenge many prevailing assumptions that have guided recent Milton criticism—assumptions about context and periodization, for instance. In this way, Milton’s Modernities powerfully broadens the historical archive beyond the materiality of events and things, incorporating as well intellectual currents, hybrids, and insights.
In a masterful study Carl Richard explores how the Greek and Roman classics became enshrined in American antebellum culture. For the first time, knowledge of the classics extended beyond aristocratic males to the middle class, women, African Americans, and frontier settlers. The Civil War led to a radical alteration of the educational system in a way that steadily eroded the preeminence of the classics.
A powerful exploration of the past and present arc of America’s white supremacy—from the country’s inception and Revolutionary years to its 19th century flashpoint of civil war; to the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s and today’s Black Lives Matter. “The most profoundly original cultural history in recent memory.” —Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Harvard University “Stunning, timely . . . an achievement in writing public history . . . Teaching White Supremacy should be read widely in our roiling debate over how to teach about race and slavery in classrooms." —David W. Blight, Sterling Professor of American History, Yale University; author of the Pulitzer Prize–winning Frederick Douglass: Prophet of Freedom Donald Yacovone shows us the clear and damning evidence of white supremacy’s deep-seated roots in our nation’s educational system through a fascinating, in-depth examination of America’s wide assortment of texts, from primary readers to college textbooks, from popular histories to the most influential academic scholarship. Sifting through a wealth of materials from the colonial era to today, Yacovone reveals the systematic ways in which this ideology has infiltrated all aspects of American culture and how it has been at the heart of our collective national identity. Yacovone lays out the arc of America’s white supremacy from the country’s inception and Revolutionary War years to its nineteenth-century flashpoint of civil war to the civil rights movement of the 1960s and today’s Black Lives Matter. In a stunning reappraisal, the author argues that it is the North, not the South, that bears the greater responsibility for creating the dominant strain of race theory, which has been inculcated throughout the culture and in school textbooks that restricted and repressed African Americans and other minorities, even as Northerners blamed the South for its legacy of slavery, segregation, and racial injustice. A major assessment of how we got to where we are today, of how white supremacy has suffused every area of American learning, from literature and science to religion, medicine, and law, and why this kind of thinking has so insidiously endured for more than three centuries.
Contains the texts of 46 speeches by: Robert Y. Hayne, Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Thomas Corwin, Thomas Hart Benton, William H. Seward, Jeremiah Clemens, William P. Fessenden, Stephen A. Douglas, Jefferson Davis, Andrew Johnson, Henry Cabot Lodge, William E. Borah, Rebecca L. Fenton, Huey P. Long, Joseph R. McCarthy, Hubert H. Humphrey, Richard M. Nixon, Frank Church, John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy, Michael J. Mansfield, Everett M. Dirksen, Gale W. McGee, Robert C. Byrd, and other Senators.
Contains the texts of 46 speeches by: Robert Y. Hayne, Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Thomas Corwin, Thomas Hart Benton, William H. Seward, Jeremiah Clemens, William P. Fessenden, Stephen A. Douglas, Jefferson Davis, Andrew Johnson, Henry Cabot Lodge, William E. Borah, Rebecca L. Fenton, Huey P. Long, Joseph R. McCarthy, Hubert H. Humphrey, Richard M. Nixon, Frank Church, John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy, Michael J. Mansfield, Everett M. Dirksen, Gale W. McGee, Robert C. Byrd, and other Senators.