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The period between the close of the Kennedy Round and the opening of the Uruguay Round replaced a decade of fast growth in world output and trade - and of prevailing harmony in trade relations across the Atlantic - with twenty years of currency and trade turmoil and strains between the US and the EC. Giuseppe La Barca provides a comprehensive account of these trade developments and the measures adopted by the US and the EC to cope with them; in doing so, he draws a wider picture of international trade policy-making during the period. The aftermath of the Kennedy Round witnessed the undoing of the Bretton Woods regime, but the consequent overheating of the world economy resulted in an acceleration of international trade while settlement in the currency area contributed to the launching of the Tokyo Round negotiations. The first oil shock heralded an unprecedented slump along with a jump in unemployment and inflation rates. The Tokyo Round resulted only in a first step in eliminating non-tariff barriers, leaving contentious issues between the two transatlantic trading partners unsettled. The second oil shock led to growing calls for protectionism and unilateralism particularly in the US, and the Reagan administration pressed for the launch of the Uruguay Round only partially supported by the EC. Providing an in-depth analysis of trade developments involving the two most important economic actors, and placing these developments in a multilateral, international context, this book offers new insights to scholars of economic history and international political economy.
The rapid development of the Internet has led to a growing potential for electronic trade in digital content like movies, music and software. As a result, there is a need for a global trade framework applicable to such digitally-delivered content products. Yet, digital trade is currently not explicitly recognised by the trade rules and obligations of the World Trade Organization (WTO). This study provides a complete analysis of the related challenges in the ongoing WTO Doha Negotiations to remedy this state of affairs. It elaborates on the required measures in the multilateral negotiations to achieve market access for digital content and examines the obstacles that lie on the path to reach consensus between the United States and the European Communities. Negotiation parameters analysed include the current US and EC regulatory approach to audiovisual and information society services and the evolution of their applicable trade policy jurisdiction. Finally, this examination takes stock of how the Doha Negotiations and parallel US-driven preferential trade agreement have so far contributed to securing free trade in digital content. As new technologies are an increasingly prominent source of trade dispute, this book is an assessment of how WTO Members can maintain the relevance of the multilateral trade framework in a changing technological and economic environment. "This important work highlights the missed opportunity in on-going global trade talks -- the failure to pursue a free trade framework for digitally delivered content. If not corrected, one can readily imagine the rise of discriminatory barriers to digital trade of the type that have dogged global trade flows for years, and a failed recognition by the WTO of the reality of modern commerce. The WTO should, as the author argues, put a "spotlight" on electronic trade, and move forward in a comprehensive fashion." Ambassador Charlene Barshefsky, Former United States Trade Representative "Wunsch-Vincent provides a comprehensive analysis of the challenges to establish a liberal trade regime for trade in digital products. This book will become an important point-of-reference for anybody interested in e-commerce and the WTO." Carlos A. Primo Braga, Senior Adviser, International Trade Department, The World Bank
This book examines the causes and consequences of social standards in US and EU preferential trade agreements (PTAs). PTAs are the new reality of the global trading system. Pursued by both developed and developing countries, they increasingly incorporate labor and environmental issues to prevent a race to the bottom in social regulation and counter-protectionism. Using principal-agent theory to explore why US PTAs have stricter social standards than those signed by the EU, Postnikov argues that the level of institutional insulation of trade policy executives from interest groups and legislators determines the design of social standards. In the EU, where institutional insulation is high, social standards mirror the normative preferences of the European Commission leading to a softer approach. In the US, where such insulation is low, social standards are driven by interest groups and legislators they control, resulting in a stricter approach. This book shows that both approaches can be effective but work through different causal mechanisms. To test his argument, Postnikov draws on original data collected in Brussels, Washington, Santiago, Bogota, and Seoul. This book will be of interest to all scholars and students working in the fields of international political economy and EU and US trade policy.
This 2005 compilation of 45 case studies documents disparate experiences among economies in addressing the challenges of participating in the WTO. It demonstrates that success or failure is strongly influenced by how governments and private sector stakeholders organise themselves at home. The contributors, mainly from developing countries, give examples of participation with lessons for others. They show that when the system is accessed and employed effectively, it can serve the interests of poor and rich countries alike. However, a failure to communicate among interested parties at home often contributes to negative outcomes on the international front. Above all, these case studies demonstrate that the WTO creates a framework within which sovereign decision-making can unleash important opportunities or undermine the potential benefits flowing from a rules-based international environment that promotes open trade.
The editors have succeeded in bringing together an excellent mix of leading scholars and practitioners. No book on the WTO has had this wide a scope before or covered the legal framework, economic and political issues, current and would-be countries and a outlook to the future like these three volumes do. 3000 pages, 80 chapters in 3 volumes cover a very interdiscplinary field that touches upon law, economics and politics.
This volume discusses the law of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the global forum for trade liberalization. It discusses in exhaustive manner the legal framework governing international trade that evolves out of the treaty regime and elaborates upon the major case law issued by the WTO. It further includes references to academic scholarship critiquing the caselaw, as well as discussions of the economic and political science theories of how WTO law is shaped.
Victorious after World War II and the Cold War, the United States and its allies largely wrote the rules for international trade and investment. Yet, by 2020, it was the United States that became the great disrupter – disenchanted with the rules' constraints. Paradoxically, China, India, Brazil, and other emerging economies became stakeholders in and, at times, defenders of economic globalization and the rules regulating it. Emerging Powers and the World Trading System explains how this came to be and addresses the micropolitics of trade law – what has been developing under the surface of the business of trade through the practice of law, which has broad macro implications. This book provides a necessary complement to political and economic accounts for understanding why, at a time of hegemonic transition where economic security and geopolitics assume greater roles, the United States challenged, and emerging powers became defenders, of the legal order that the United States created.
The European Union (EU) is at the forefront of engaging in external trade relations outside of the World Trade Organization (WTO) with entire regions and economic powerhouses. Understanding why and how the EU engages in one of the most active fields of external relations is crucial. This book fills a gap in the literature by analysing motives on the modes – bilateralism, inter-regionalism, or multilateralism - of EU external trade relations towards regional organizations in Asia and Latin America outside of the WTO. In particular, it examines why the EU turned from interregional to bilateral external trade relations towards these world regions – a question that is, to date, under-researched. By developing and testing an original approach rooted in realist theorizing coined ‘commercial realism’, it examines systematically the explanatory power of commercial realism against liberal-institutionalist approaches dominant in the literature on EU external relations through five in-depth case studies. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students in EU Politics/Studies, EU external relations, inter-regionalism and more broadly to International Relations and International Political Economy.
One of the first analyses of the impact of US-China rivalry on the governance of global trade.