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This report presents the results of an examination of U.S. and U.S. military roles in a changing Asia. The document argues that trends in both Asia and United States are stimulating a new kind of regional dynamic that, left unattended, could adversely affect U.S. interests. Based on this trend analysis, the study concludes that the United States needs a new strategy of comprehensive security--a strategy of access that involves maintaining alliances and forward presence; using the military indirectly to create a foundation for coalition activities; fostering and directing a regional security dialogue; encouraging alternative development paths to restrain proliferation; and using arms control to bolster U.S. presence, establish regional equilibrium, and lock in the current U.S. advantageous strategic position. Such a strategy involves adding some military roles to prevent regional imbalance and realignments, to provide regional presence for rapid response and humanitarian assistance, to provide a catalyst/forward trigger for U.S.-led coalitions (including the UN), and to help exploit Asian dynamism and strengthen U.S. leverage.
This report presents the findings of a project that examined roles for the United States and the U.S. military in a changing Asia. The report is divided into three broad sections: thinking about the future, building a regional strategy, and identifying appropriate military roles and policy measures. These sections address five sets of issues: current U.S. policy and underlying assumptions; key trends and Asia's future core environment; U.S. interests, strategic goals, and regional objectives in the core environment; alternative grand and regional strategies; and policy components, emphases, and building blocks to fulfill the recommended strategy, achieve U.S. strategic goals, and further U.S. interests. The central theme of this report is that the times call for something more than business as usual Trends in both Asia and the United States are stimulating a new kind of regional dynamic that, left unattended, could adversely affect U.S. interests. This report represents an attempt to address both the need for a new look at Asia and the opportunities the trends provide for advancing U.S. interests in a time of growing fluidity.
Looking to the 2030-2040 time frame, the U.S. Army will play an important role in helping U.S. policy and military strategy strike a balance between cooperating with China and deterring potential Chinese expansionism.
At head of title: International Institutions and Global Governance Program.
This RAND report examines the U.S. Army role in Southeast Asia. Under current benign conditions, efforts should focus on supporting defense reform, addressing transnational threats, and balancing China. If the outlook deteriorates, the United States should increase security cooperation, conclude new regional basing agreements, expand disaster assistance, and create policies to encourage risk-averse Chinese behavior.
The Asia-Pacific region is rapidly emerging as a major focus of American interest. Since America's acknowledgement of Asia's importance in the 2010 National Security Strategy, the United States has sought means and developed methods with which to enhance engagement in the region. Regional organizations, dialogues, and diplomacy are among the methods the U.S. employs. The role of American armed forces in the region is to support these important activities.As the United States rebalances to the Asia-Pacific region, current strategies focus on the contributions of air and sea-based capabilities articulated in the Air-Sea Battle concept. But while America looks toward the Pacific and sees a vast area of ocean and air, Asian nations view themselves regionally and primarily as land-based powers. This is particularly important because over half the world's population lives on the Asian continent. Given the cultures of Asian nations and America's military history in the Asia-Pacific region, we should not neglect the potential contributions of the U.S. Army to Asian-Pacific strategy. It is also important for the Army to think seriously and critically about how it can best contribute to furthering America's strategic interests in the region. This study comprises an analysis of the U.S. Army's history in Asia and the Pacific along with current American and Asian actors' contemporary security interests in effort to determine what role the U.S. Army should play in shaping American strategy in the Asia-Pacific region. Taking into account threats to regional stability in the region, the 21st century requirements for America's army in the region should include four primary and four auxiliary missions. The four primary missions are deterring war and enhancing regional stability, preparing for war, foreign military assistance, and counterterrorism. The four auxiliary missions are helping inculcate American values, responding to humanitarian and natural crises, securing and eliminating WMD, and establishing military governance. The study then concludes by recommending specific steps the Army must take to enhance its capabilities in areas where those capabilities do not fully meet these above requirements.This compilation includes a reproduction of the 2019 Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community.
In The Military and Democracy in Asia and the Pacific, a number of prominent regional specialists take a fresh look at the military's changing role in selected countries of Asia and the Pacific, particularly with regard to the countries' performance against criteria of democratic government. Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Burma, Pakistan, Bangladesh, South Korea, Fiji and Papua New Guinea all fall under the spotlight as the authors examine the role which the military has played in bringing about changes of political regime, and in resisting pressures for change.
The hypothesis of this study is that the United States and Japan have important and complementary roles to play in contributing to the peace and stability in Southeast Asia in spite of the end of the Cold War. Historical perspectives with regard to Southeast Asia since the withdrawal of the United States from Vietnam until the end of the Cold War are provided as the foundations for change. The national development of the nations of Southeast Asia, the implications of the rapid economic growth of China, and the military buildup in the region since the end of the Cold War are examined. Similarly, the rising transnational problems of Southeast Asia including piracy, drug abuse, a burgeoning population and environmental issues are addressed. The basic changes in American policies toward the region, including the implications of the withdrawal from the military facilities in the Philippines, and the impact of the reductions in the military budget are examined. Likewise, basic Japanese policies toward Southeast Asia, particularly in light of recent dramatic changes in Japanese internal politics, the effects of the Persian Gulf War, and the Cambodian experience, are discussed.
Few people truly understand what the United States is about in its extensive East Asia security policies and defense relationships. Many people harbor serious misconceptions about what we're doing there. The public is being told some misleading things about our security role in Asia which, if not corrected, could erode the foundation of the most successful regional policy the United States has today. I have chosen the National Defense University, and this symposium, as a decidedly sympathetic audience to challenge and rebut this stream of negative thinking before it becomes accepted wisdom in this town. Most of you will have heard of, or read, the new book by Yale historian Paul Kennedy entitled "The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers." A survey of the past 500 years, it examines the states or coalitions of states which rose to economic greatness, how their economic power translated into political power and military strength, why they went to war, why the winners won and why the losers lost, and the consequences of their national policies. Professor Kennedy's lesson from history? For a great power to remain great, it must keep reinvesting in its manufacturing base, always looking ahead to the next generation of technology, and at the same time, it should resist the temptation to spend scarce national funds to hang on to far-flung military roles and missions that may have outlived their economic utility in a changing world. It is a provocative thesis. He sees the United States today clinging to a network of military alliances formed at the end of the Second World War, when American supremacy in the international economy was at its peak. He warns that other powers are catching up, growing faster by spending less on defense and more on technologies that may push them past the United States in the years ahead. Professor Kennedy's analysis suggests that we are making the wrong investments as a nation, choosing "guns" when we really need more "butter."