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International experts from law, economics and political science provide in-depth analysis of international trade issues. Attorneys, economists and political scientists adopt a common viewpoint, entitled 'transcending the ostensible'. This approach directs particular attention to the possibility that WTO legal institutions, like other international legal institutions, will function in unexpected ways due to the political and economic conditions of the international environment in which they have been created, and in which they operate. A range of trade problems are considered here. Topics include the constitutional dimensions of international trade law, adding subjects and restructuring existing subjects to international trade law, the legal relations between developed and developing countries, and the operation of the WTO dispute settlement procedure. This will be an essential volume for professionals and academics involved with international trade policy.
A comprehensive account of the establishment of the World Trade Organization, focusing on those who shaped its creation as well as those who have influenced its evolution. The book examines trade negotiations, the WTO's dispute settlement role, the presence of coalitions and groupings within the WTO, the process of joining the organization and many other topics, including what lies ahead for the organization.
Like many other regional groups, the member countries of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)—Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka—have taken steps toward forming a regional free trade area. Will the SAARC Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA) offer the substantial economic benefits, including food security, that South Asian leaders expect? This quantitative analysis compares the economic results of SAPTAwith two other trade liberalization schemes, (1) more liberal trade between SAARCand the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) countries, and (2) more liberal trade between SAARC and the world.
The worst chemical disaster ever could be happening right now. In India and Bangladesh between forty and eighty million people are at risk of consuming too much arsenic from well water that might have already caused one hundred thousand cancer cases and thousands of deaths. Many millions elsewhere in South-East Asia and South America may soon suffer a similar fate. Venomous Earth is the story of this tragedy: the geology, the biology, the politics and the history. It starts in Ancient Greece, touches down in today's North America and takes in William Morris, alchemy, farming, medicine, mining and a cosmetic that killed two popes.
The notion that South Asian economies have tended to be less successful than those of East Asia is critically examined and the reasons why discussed. Countries covered include Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Key issues examined: * agriculture and rural development * labour market and human resource development * trade and industry policies * foreign investment and technological capabilities * foreign aid and economic development * financial development and economic performance * poverty, inequality and economic development * regional economic co-operation * 'green' development.
The author examines the impact of the Uruguay Round on four South Asian countries with similar trade structures: Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. These countries are major exporters of textiles and clothing and some agriculture. Their manufacturing sectors - especially textiles and clothing - would seem to be the main beneficiaries of the Round. The impact on agriculture should be modest. The Round improves market security for both exporters and importers, but these countries must do much more to adjust their domestic policies to the realities of the post-Round global environment. There must be further liberalization and more integration with both the region and the world. The trade regimes of the four countries are a mixed bag. All have launched major trade reform away from an inward orientation. They have liberalized trade by removing quantitative restrictions and reducing tariffs, but the degree of liberalization varies. India has done a lot to open up its economy but has not moved forcefully enough to remove restrictions on most imports of consumer goods. Pakistan retains heavy restrictions on many imports but is reducing tariff rates and their dispersion. Quantitative restrictions on imported inputs impede efficiency in Bangladesh textile and pharmaceutical industries. Sri Lanka's trade regime is the most liberal in the region, but anomalies still exist in incentives. Binding tariffs in the four countries must be greatly reduced before these countries can benefit from the Round's disciplines in agriculture. The dismantling of the Multifiber Agreement will increase South Asia's output of textiles by 17 percent, and their exports of textiles by 26 percent. Output on clothing will increase ninefold, and exports more than twentyfold. The region may also benefit from the more liberalized post-Round markets for semi-manufacturing exports. In general, negotiations about new issues - trade in services, trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights, and trade-related investment measures - will affect South Asia in different ways. The impact on the movement of labor, in which the region has a comparative advantage, seems to be more effective than in other areas. More disciplined rules to protect intellectual property rights and more transparency about investment and competition policies will benefit the region in the longer run.
The shift in orientation toward relatively open trading systems was reflected in the attitudes and participation of developing countries in the Uruguay Round. They involved themselves fully in formulating the rules of the new trading system, and also made significant offers both in the conventional area of reducing tariff protection on manufactures trade, and in the "new" areas, such as trade in services, trade in agriculture, and trade-related intellectual property.