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Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - Other International Politics Topics, grade: 1,7, University of Constance, course: International Interim Administration, language: English, abstract: Since the end of the cold war the number of UN peacekeeping missions raised drastically. This development within international affairs has been labelled the “new interventionism” (see for example Yannis 2002b: 826). But not only the absolute numbers increased, also the scope of these missions has undergone some fundamental changes. The mandates of traditional peacekeeping operations are expanded allowing UN forces to be actively engaged in operations which can be better described as peacebuilding missions (Brahimi 2000, Mortimer 2004: 10). However, the term “peacebuilding” is still not integrating the phenomenon of UN forces running the entire domestic administration of post-conflict societies. Within the scientific discussion the term “international interim administration” is therefore seen as more accurate to describe UN operations in territories such as Cambodia, Liberia, and Eastern Slavonia. This article adds to the scientific discourse by focusing on two of the most recent cases of UN Interim Administration: the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET). Whereas the UNTAET ended in 2002 with the release of East Timor into independence, UNMIK is still continuing and the question of the Kosovo’s final status remains open. While the outcome of these missions seems to be very different they were both facing similar difficulties which are characteristically for interim administrations. Therefore this paper is going to point out some specific problems and challenges of these missions. Special attention in this context will be directed towards the following issues. Taking the respective UN resolutions as a starting point for examination the article will take into account the challenges that are derived from the structure of the mandate and the question of state sovereignty in the context of international interim administration. Being amongst the most important aspects within those missions, the article additionally addresses the UN’s organisational capacity to accomplish these wide-ranging missions and the establishment of ad-hoc judicial systems.
This book analyses the question of whether international peacebuilding efforts in weak, failed or failing states via United Nations Transitional Administrations (UN TAs) are successful. As successful are deemed those TAs that manage to hand over power to the local population and achieve local ownership. By comparing the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK, 1999- ) with the United Nations Transitional Administration Mission in East Timor (UNTAET, 1999 - 2002), it is proposed that TAs tend to be more successful, when conflicting ethnic interests are low, when there are higher levels of local participation in the transitional structures and when more benchmarks (as stipulated by the international peacebuilders) are achieved. The success of a transitional administration is viewed as an interplay between local, national and international factors, which together determine the Space for Local Ownership of Peacebuilding (SLOP). The SLOP model not only reflects the complexity of contemporary peacebuilding, but replaces the overused dichotomy of success/failure in peacebuilding with the notion of stages of success.
This paper analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations of war-torn territories and discusses the key issues - strategic, political, and economic - that arise in the context of these experiences. It reflects on the policy implications of these experiences and recommends reforms or new approaches to international administration.
What happens after a governing body is ousted during the course of armed conflict? In some cases, international organizations like the United Nations will appoint other States or itself to administer the transition of the post-conflict State to a place of lasting peace. In practice, however, this mission is hardly linear and becomes further complicated when these administrations are faced with threats to the fragile peace. Security Detention in International Territorial Administrations examines the legal and policy questions surrounding the behavior of these post-conflict administrations. This includes discussion about apportionment of responsibility in peace support operations, norm conflict issues in UN Security Council resolutions, and requirements of international human rights law in the fulfillment of these missions. The discussion concludes with a survey of security detention practices in three recent post-conflict administrations in Kosovo, East Timor, and Iraq.
In the forceful tradition of Nobel laureate Jose Ramos-Horta's FUNU (Red Sea Press 1987), the present worl advocates self-determination for and the urgent need for UN intervention in the former Portuguese colony of East Timor. Since 1975, when neighboring Indonesia invaded and occupied this small Southeast Asian half-island, an amazingly creative and dedicated international community of activists has arisen over this question. Now, the Nobel Committee's award of the 1996 Peace Prize to Mr. Ramos-Horta and his compatriot, Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo, is drawing worldwide attention to this ongoing tragedy.
This is the first comprehensive treatment of the reasons why international organizations have engaged in territorial administration. The book describes the role of international territorial administration and analyses the various purposes associated with this activity, revealing the objectives which territorial administration seeks to achieve.
The main challenges within international human rights law are generally thought to be in the fields of transitional justice, non-state actors, terrorism, development, poverty and environmental degradation. This volume of articles not only covers these mainstream challenges but also a wider and more systematic range, including justiciability of social and economic rights, extraterritoriality, health care and investment arbitration. The key literature selected for this collection includes articles that have appeared in mainstream journals and books from leading publishers as well as papers that have appeared in lesser known journals, hard to find books and UN documents. Some of these are classic essays whilst others are more recent additions that reflect the current state of the debate. The papers are put into context by a specially commissioned introduction by the volume editor. This volume is an invaluable resource for human rights lawyers in search of the key literature in fields outside their own specialization as well as for students, researchers and lecturers seeking an overview of the challenges in human rights law.
As an Air Force officer, working on the United Nations staff administering the interim government of Kosovo for six months was Kenneth Tingman's first exposure to a completely civilian-managed contingency operation. According to Tingman, political, not military, solutions are the only real, long term solutions to situations like Kosovo; however, the political solutions in this case were much more expedient rather than truthful. It seems to him that the general ethos of the United Nations would prevent developing and executing long term, viable answers to very difficult problems, not only in Kosovo, but around the world. Unless this ethos is changed drastically, United Nations solutions may be hollow well into the twenty-first century. Kenneth feels that the world has changed and the United Nations needs to grow and adapt in order to become relevant. About the Author: Kenneth R. Tingman is a 1983 graduate of the United States Air Force Academy and served on active duty for twenty-four years. He served as a member of the senior United Nations staff administering the government of Kosovo where he was the Military Assistant to the Principal Deputy Special Representative to the Secretary General of the United Nations. Mr. Tingman is a veteran of numerous overseas assignments and contingencies, having served in Germany, Korea, Turkey, the Balkans, and as a squadron commander in Saudi Arabia on September 11, 2001. He has been awarded numerous awards and decorations, including the Bronze Star Medal. Mr. Tingman is currently a Federal Coordinating Officer for the Federal Emergency Management Agency.
The UN Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) represented an interim settlement that permitted conflict de-escalation while postponing the search for a lasting political solution. The final settlement should have been reached through negotiations between Belgrade and the Kosovo Albanians, and then endorsed by the UN Security Council, in accordance with the UN Resolution 1244 (1999). However, citing the ambiguity of the interim agreement and a deadlock in the negotiations, the United States and its allies recognized Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence in February 2008, thereby allowing the Kosovo Albanians to defect from the peace process. Therefore, instead of an internationally endorsed negotiated outcome, there has been an attempt at a unilaterally enforced political settlement, in disregard for the authority of the UN Security Council, which had placed Kosovo under international administration. The subsequent involvement of the International Court of Justice has failed to resolve the contentious issues between Belgrade and Prishtina or bridge the international divide over Kosovo. Besides creating a troublesome legal precedent, the recognition of Kosovo represents a bad model for international conflict management. The issues of concern are the viability of future interim settlements, good faith negotiations, and the legitimacy and guarantees provided by the international involvement, including the authority of the UN Security Council. Some parallels are drawn between Kosovo and other territorial disputes, particularly in the Caucasus, indicating how the Kosovo case could influence other conflicts.