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Henry St John, First Viscount Bolingbroke (1678-1751) enjoyed varied political and literary careers. This five-volume edition draws together his letters. It includes a general introduction, headnotes, biographical index and a consolidated index. It is suitable for historians and literary scholars working in the eighteenth century.
Henry St John, First Viscount Bolingbroke (1678-1751) enjoyed varied political and literary careers. This five-volume edition draws together his letters. It includes a general introduction, headnotes, biographical index and a consolidated index. It is suitable for historians and literary scholars working in the eighteenth century.
Henry St John, First Viscount Bolingbroke (1678-1751) enjoyed varied political and literary careers. This five-volume edition draws together his letters. It includes a general introduction, headnotes, biographical index and a consolidated index. It is suitable for historians and literary scholars working in the eighteenth century.
Henry St John, First Viscount Bolingbroke (1678-1751) enjoyed varied political and literary careers. This five-volume edition draws together his letters. It includes a general introduction, headnotes, biographical index and a consolidated index. It is suitable for historians and literary scholars working in the eighteenth century.
Henry St John, First Viscount Bolingbroke (1678-1751) enjoyed varied political and literary careers. This five-volume edition draws together his letters. It includes a general introduction, headnotes, biographical index and a consolidated index. It is suitable for historians and literary scholars working in the eighteenth century.
'The glories of the Age of Anne' -- the union of England and Scotland to form 'this island of Britain', and its establishment as a European and a global power -- were the achievements of two men above all: Queen Anne's captain-general, John Churchill, the first Duke of Marlborough, and her Lord Treasurer, Sidney, first Earl of Godolphin, of whom it was said that each 'was the greatest of his kind that hardly any age has afforded'. Their partnership not only embodied the emerging military-fiscal state; it was also a close and lifelong friendship which fully encompassed Marlborough's beautiful and tempestuous wife Sarah. Tracing the partnership as it proved itself in a succession of victorious summer campaigns in the field and bitterly contested 'winter campaigns' at court and in parliament connects and illuminates aspects of a complex period which are often studied in isolation. But was the partnership in the end too successful, too self-contained, too mutually supportive; a dangerous concentration of power and a threat to the queen and the constitution? 'Rebellion and blood' were always undercurrents of the glories of the last Stuart reign. A troubled dynasty would come to an end with Queen Anne's life and a contested succession depended on the outcome of the European war that occupied almost the whole of her reign. This is a story of operatic intensity: of sovereignty and ambition, glory and defeat, but, above all, of love and friendship proved in the hardest use. Its intense human interest and audible voices illuminate a conflicted period which helped to determine the course of modern world.
While the term ‘Europe’ was used sporadically in ancient and medieval times, it proliferated between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and gained a prevalence in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries which it did not possess before. Although studies on the history of the idea of Europe abound, much of the vast body of early modern sources has still been neglected. Assuming that discourses tend to transcend linguistic, historical and generic boundaries, this book has gathered experts from various fields of study who examine vernacular and Latin negotiations of Europe from the late fifteenth to the early eighteenth century. This multi-angled approach serves to identify similarities and differences in the discourses on Europe within their different national and cultural communities. Contributors are: Ovanes Akopyan, Volker Bauer, Piotr Chmiel, Nicolas Detering, Stefan Ehrenpreis, Niels Grüne, Peter Hanenberg, Ulrich Heinen, Ronny Kaiser, Niall Oddy, Katharina N. Piechocki, Dennis Pulina, Marion Romberg, Lucie Storchová, Isabella Walser-Bürgler, Michael Wintle, and Enrico Zucchi.
Political parties are taken for granted today, but how was the idea of party viewed in the eighteenth century, when core components of modern, representative politics were trialled? From Bolingbroke to Burke, political thinkers regarded party as a fundamental concept of politics, especially in the parliamentary system of Great Britain. The paradox of party was best formulated by David Hume: while parties often threatened the total dissolution of the government, they were also the source of life and vigour in modern politics. In the eighteenth century, party was usually understood as a set of flexible and evolving principles, associated with names and traditions, which categorised and managed political actors, voters, and commentators. Max Skjönsberg thus demonstrates that the idea of party as ideological unity is not purely a nineteenth- or twentieth-century phenomenon but can be traced to the eighteenth century.
Thomas Paine (1737-1809) was England's greatest revolutionary: no other reformer was as actively involved in events of the scale of the American and French Revolutions, and none wrote such best-selling texts with the impact of Common Sense and Rights of Man. No one else combined the roles of activist and theorist, or did so in the 'age of revolutions', fundamental as it was to the emergence of the 'modern world'. But his fame meant that he was taken up and reinterpreted for current use by successive later commentators and politicians, so that the 'historic Paine' was too often obscured by the 'usable Paine'. J. C. D. Clark explains Paine against a revised background of early- and mid-eighteenth-century England. He argues that Paine knew and learned less about events in America and France than was once thought. He de-attributes a number of publications, and passages, hitherto assumed to have been Paine's own, and detaches him from a number of causes (including anti-slavery, women's emancipation, and class action) with which he was once associated. Paine's formerly obvious association with the early origin and long-term triumph of natural rights, republicanism, and democracy needs to be rethought. As a result, Professor Clark offers a picture of radical and reforming movements as more indebted to the initiatives of large numbers of men and women in fast-evolving situations than to the writings of a few individuals who framed lasting, and eventually triumphant, political discourses.
Thomas Moore was one of the most prominent authors of the early 19th century. This collection presents over 600 previously unpublished letters from numerous libraries, archives and other sources worldwide. Vail's extensively-annotated edition will make available a treasure trove of material which will prove invaluable to any Romantic scholar.