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Inhaltsangabe:Introduction: Following the collapse of the former Soviet Union, world affairs have entered into a new era of hopes, opportunities, threats and challenges significantly reframing the international relations of the late twentieth century and beyond. It was a momentum that states, governments, and organizations worldwide embraced with expectations and visions of change. So did the United Nations (UN). The new era was particularly promising for this universal organization as it had presumably overcome the paralyzed nature of its functioning throughout the Cold War. Moreover, the UN was deemed to have acquired the freedom and authority it needs to exercise its primary obligation enshrined in the Charter, i.e. to prevent and remove through collective efforts threats to the peace, to suppress acts of aggression and to resolve international disputes through peaceful means and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law. The first sentence in the preamble of the Charter, while claiming the international community's determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, illustrates the high cause attached to the birth of the organization with a clear link to preventing armed conflicts. The basic idea of preventing armed conflicts is not novel, and the term preventive diplomacy was coined by Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld already in 1960. Initially the term was understood in the context of the Cold War, when UN efforts were undertaken to eliminate localized disputes and wars that could have provoked wider confrontations between the two superpowers. Notwithstanding its conceptual importance and available operational tools, conflict prevention received little attention at the margins of global power politics. Traditional diplomatic instruments such as mediation, conciliation, good offices, continued to define the toolbox of conflict prevention activities. Preventive diplomacy, however, received particular attention because of the way Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali broadened and publicized it in his by now well-known report Agenda for Peace. The need for credible early warning mechanisms and fact-finding missions was equally prioritized. Since the end of the Cold War, the necessity to move from a culture of reaction to a culture of prevention has been incessantly emphasized and gradually reinforced into unequivocal policy through numerous General Assembly resolutions, Security Council resolutions [...]
This volume provides an overview of the costs, benefits, consequences, and prospects for rebuilding nations emerging from violent conflict. The rationale for this comes from the growing realization that, in the post-Cold War era and in the aftermath of 9/11, our understanding of conflict and conflict resolution has to include consideration of the conditions conducive to sustaining the peace in nations torn by civil war or interstate conflict. The chapters analyze the prospects for building a sustainable peace from a number of different perspectives, examining: the role of economic development democratization respect for human rights the potential for renewal of conflict the United Nations and other critical topics. In an age when 'nation-building' is once again on the international agenda, and scholars as well as policy makers realize both the tremendous costs and benefits in fostering developed, democratic, peaceful and secure nations, the time has truly come for a book that integrates all the facets of this important subject. Conflict Prevention and Peace-building in Post-War Societies will appeal to students and scholars of peace studies, international relations, security studies and conflict resolution as well as policy makers and analysts.
The end of the cold war did not begin an era of world peace. The forces of marginalization, civil war, and genocide have uprooted whole societies in Africa, the Balkans and the Caucasus. In fact, the end of superpower competition means that the world now lacks external actors powerful enough to intervene successfully in local conflicts. The early 1990s saw the beginning of a search for possibilities for conflict prevention. This work is one of the first to set the analysis of early warning and conflict prevention firmly in the context of the changes and continuities in the structures of post-Cold War politics. Early Warning and Conflict Prevention proceeds from the position that sufficient early warning could enable governments and international organizations to intervene at an early stage, rather than waiting until disputes erupt into violence. It analyses the theoretical and practical complexities of timely warning and effective response in conflict resolution. It also investigates the extent to which conflict prevention has become a concrete element in the policies of governments, non-governmental organizations, and international organizations. The result of an international symposium on early warning and conflict prevention in November 1996, this work examines this significant issue in international relations within the unique political framework of post-Cold War developments, making it an important resource for academics, policymakers, government officials, and others interested in the present and future state of conflict resolution.
The basic logic of preventive diplomacy is unassailable. Act early to prevent disputes from escalating; reduce tensions that could lead to war; deal with today's conflicts before they become tomorrow's crises. Yet as we look at the record of these first years of the post-Cold War era, it is quite mixed. There have been some preventive diplomacy successes and opportunities that have been seized by major powers and international organizations to help preserve and protect the peace. But there also have been other opportunities that have been missed, with some of the century's most deadly conflicts the result. This study examines ten major post-Cold War cases including Croatia-Bosnia, Rwanda, the Baltics, Russia-Ukraine, Macedonia, and North Korea_to assess the key factors contributing to both the success and failure of preventive diplomacy. The method of case study analysis employed is based on the work of Alexander L. George. Authors include both leading academics and prominent policy officials with first-hand knowledge.
After decades of striving to prevent international conflict, major armed conflicts in the 1990s have taken place within national boundaries. After the series of national independence wars in the 1950s and 1960s and frequent geopolitical wars in the 1970s and 1980s, a category of 'wars of the third kind' prevailed. The aim of this book is to consider the root causes of recent internal conflicts, and to develop long-term conflict prevention strategies from here. New insights suggest the central role of politico-economic inequalities in ethnic, religious and cultural conflict. The United Nations system has just started to adjust to this new reality of conflict and make long-term conflict prevention a priority issue on international agendas. Whereas development practitioners should principally conceive their work through a conflict prevention lens, there is a shift in focus to United Nations agencies that deal with the economic characteristics of conflict. The unbroken significance of a sustainable industrial development process in developing countries, may allow the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) a particular vantage point and role in the long-term prevention of conflict.
This book analyses the UN’s Agenda 2030 and reveals that progress is lagging on all five interlocking and interdependent themes that are discussed: conflict prevention, development, peace, justice and human rights. Many voices have already been raised, including that of the UN Secretary-General that the Sustainable Development Goals will not be met by 2030 unless there is a re-doubling of efforts. Still, on development as such, there is much striving. The book puts the concept of preventive diplomacy into all of the issues of modern international relations, from the US/China confrontation to the various conflicts bedeviling Africa. It bridges the two worlds of the international relations specialist on the one hand and that of the academic interested in UN affairs on the other hand. There is normally little contact between those two specializations. The authors have taken several current issues to show how the millennium debates and the SDG targets are relevant to "realist school" conflicts, and that there is work under way to operationalize ideas and theories in this respect. This is the first ever discussion of the conflict prevention dimension in the UN’s Agenda 2030 which seeks to advance sustainable development with a view to reinforcing peace and justice on the foundations of respect for universal human rights.
Contributors in public policy, politics, international affairs, development, conflict management, and peace studies discuss the practical challenges of conflict prevention within the UN system, considering the causes and dynamics of war, tools being developed to predict the eruption of conflict, and what is being done to move from reaction to prevention of conflict. They touch on areas such as measuring the societal impact of war, a systems approach to mitigating violent conflict, and electoral assistance and democratization. Hampson teaches international affairs at Carleton University, Canada. Malone is president of the International Peace Academy. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
This text reviews the preventive diplomacy of the United Nations, suggesting that the Security Council is not well suited to the task. What is needed, it argues, is a less political and more professional approach, namely a larger (and more autonomous) role for the Secretary-General and the development of a greater specialist capacity within the Secretariat. The work gives appropriate weight to the importance of peace building, both before and after conflict, as an integral part of conflict prevention, and the United Nations' role therein.