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The author sets out to prove that most of the practices of the Roman Catholic Church have been brought over from Paganism & the original teachings of Jesus have been either cast aside or corrupted. He claims and sets forth proof that Rome is the Babylon of the Apocalypse. Includes many notes, over 60 illustrations and index.
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Alexander Hislop's memorable work, wherein he theorizes that the Catholic church is a covert continuation of the ancient Babylonian belief systems, offers a colorful interpretation of pagan traditions. This edition includes the original drawings. From the outset, Hislop claims to have unearthed proof that the papal office is a refined, veiled presentation of Babylonian worship. Specifically, the hunter Nimrod and his wife are the actual influencer of Catholicism, rather than Christ and Christian beliefs. In support of his hypothesis, Hislop attaches more than sixty drawings comparing Babylonian idols and aesthetics with those adopted by the Catholic creed ? these, say Hislop, prove that the church is not an authentic organization which supports God or Jehovah, but a systematically pagan outfit. Today, Hislop's claims are generally considered as lacking in value or veracity by most scholars and theologians, with Hislop's interpretations of Babylonian culture and lore dismissed as inaccurate and fanciful.
In twentieth-century Canada, mainline Protestants, fundamentalists, liberal nationalists, monarchists, conservative Anglophiles, and left-wing intellectuals had one thing in common: they all subscribed to a centuries-old world view that Catholicism was an authoritarian, regressive, untrustworthy, and foreign force that did not fit into a democratic, British nation like Canada. Analyzing the connections between anti-Catholicism and national identity in English Canada, Not Quite Us examines the consistency of anti-Catholic tropes in the public and private discourses of intellectuals, politicians, and clergymen, such as Arthur Lower, Eugene Forsey, Harold Innis, C.E. Silcox, F.R. Scott, George Drew, and Emily Murphy, along with those of private Canadians. Challenging the misconception that an allegedly secular, civic, and more tolerant nationalism that emerged excised its Protestant and British cast, Kevin Anderson determines that this nationalist narrative was itself steeped in an exclusionary Anglo-Protestant understanding of history and values. He shows that over time, as these ideas were dispersed through editorials, cartoons, correspondence, literature, and lectures, they influenced Canadians' intimate perceptions of themselves and their connection to Britain, the ethno-religious composition of the nation, the place of religion in public life, and national unity. Anti-Catholicism helped shape what it means to be "Canadian" in the twentieth century. Not Quite Us documents how equating Protestantism with democracy and individualism permeated ideas of national identity and continues to define Canada into the twenty-first century.
Brokering Culture in Britain's Empire and the Historical Novel examines the relationship between the historical sensibilities of nineteenth-century British and American “romancers” and the conceptual frameworks that eighteenth-century imperial interlocutors used to imagine and critique their own experiences of Britain’s diffused, tenuous, and often accidental authority. Salyer argues that this cultural experience, more than what Lukács had in mind when he wrote of a mass historical consciousness after Napoleon, gave rise to the Romantic historiographical approach of writers such as Walter Scott, James Fenimore Cooper, Charles Brockden Brown and Frederick Marryat. This book traces the conversion of the eighteenth-century imperial speaker into the nineteenth-century “romance” hero through a number of proto-novelistic responses to the problem of Imperial history, including Edmund Burke in the Annual Register and the celebrated court case of James Annesley, among others. The author argues that popular Romantic novels such as Scott’s Waverley and Cooper’s The Pioneers convert the problem of narrating the political geographies of eighteenth-century Empire into a discourse of history, placing the historical realities of negotiating Imperial authority at the heart of a nineteenth-century project that fictionalized the possibilities and limits of political historical agency in the modern nation state.