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What is the pursuit of happiness? This is one of the central questions addressed in this work. It examines the extensive ideological genealogy of the concept, whose roots are firmly grounded in Aristotelian political science.
This work examines expressions of personal hostility and animosity toward presidents-even beloved ones-throughout American history and their impact on policymaking, politics, and culture. People involved or simply interested in politics often ask whether today's political environment is more toxic than ever before. Hatred of America's Presidents: Personal Attacks on the White House from Washington to Trump presents an impartial and authoritative history of invective toward the White House so readers can determine the answer for themselves. The book focuses on the most representative and commonplace attacks of a vitriolic and personal nature, detailing who instigated and trafficked in the attacks and how presidents, administrations, and political parties defended themselves. It also illustrates how honest disagreements about policy-such as FDR's New Deal, Ronald Reagan's Central America policies, George W. Bush's invasion of Iraq, and Barack Obama's Affordable Care Act-fueled expressions of hatred and condemnation. Finally, the book includes perspectives from both the right and the left on the legitimacy of these attacks and the victims' defenses as well as their impact on American politics and policy.
This multivolume encyclopedia surveys America's long and troubled history of political violence from the colonial era to the present, with a particular emphasis on factors driving political violence and intimidation in the United States in the 21st century. Americans like to think of their nation as one grounded in high-minded democratic ideals and peaceful transitions of power. In reality, though, American politics has been heavily laced with expressions of violence and intimidation since the nation's very inception, which saw a campaign of violent rebellion against British rule. Since then, America has endured the deaths of four presidents from assassination; a four-year civil war; racist attacks on civil rights activists and ordinary citizens; deadly clashes between protesting citizens and law enforcement; sustained campaigns of violence against marginalized populations seeking greater political or economic equality; politically motivated mass shootings; and, on January 6, 2021, the shocking spectacle of a politically motivated mob attack on the U.S. Capitol. How and why did these events transpire? What were the root causes? What factors are driving political violence and intimidation in America today? And are there changes that we could make to our country's political discourse that would reduce such outbreaks of bloodshed? This authoritative multivolume encyclopedia provides answers to all these questions and more.
Many rural communities in South Carolina share a place in World War II history that has largely been forgotten. From 1943 to 1946, towns such as Aiken, Florence, Camden, Spartanburg, and York were enthusiastic hosts for a special group of laborers: German prisoners of war. These prisoners from the North African, Sicilian, and European campaigns filled needed jobs, mostly in agriculture, all across the nation. In South Carolina, prison camps were established in rural areas where labor was needed in agriculture, the lumber industry, and a few manufacturing jobs. Prisoner labor was also used on military bases to free civilian and army personnel for front-line duty. By the end of W.W.II, over 425,000 German, Italian, and Japanese prisoners were interned in prisoner of war camps in the United States. In South Carolina, the War Department established more than twenty camps in seventeen counties housing 8,000 to 11,000 German prisoners. These prisoners provided much needed labor in agricultural communities and were often the only direct connection with the enemy experienced on the home front. prisoners of war and to analyze their implementation in South Carolina from the perspectives of the American officials, the German prisoners, and the communities that housed the camps. This book examines the history of prisoners of war in South Carolina, focusing on life behind the wire, the labor performed by POWs, and the impact of this labor in South Carolina, the adherence to the Geneva Convention, attitudes that influenced policies for the treatment of prisoners, local reaction to the POWs and their labor, as well as the prisoners' impressions of the conditions in which they were held.
This book describes and evaluates the turn-of-the-century foray by the U.S. into imperialism. It describes our conflict with Spain. over the sinking of the battleship USS Maine in Cuba followed by our invasion of the island and its seizure. It also describes our seizure of Puerto Rico from Spain. That island today stands as the oldest colony in the world and the author proposes that it is a place with no independence or political rights. The annexation of Hawaii that took place at the same time is also examined as is the seizure of Guam and the invasion and eventual conquest of the Philippines after many years of bloody combat. Finally the book assesses the impact of these imperialistic adventures on US politics at that time and over the years since.
This book provides a critical examination of the major doctrines in Aristotle's Politics, as well as other works, such as the Nicomachean Ethics, that are relevant to political thought.
This book explores the concept of 'cognitive injustice': the failure to recognise the different ways of knowing by which people across the globe run their lives and provide meaning to their existence. Boaventura de Sousa Santos shows why global social justice is not possible without global cognitive justice. Santos argues that Western domination has profoundly marginalised knowledge and wisdom that had been in existence in the global South. She contends that today it is imperative to recover and valorize the epistemological diversity of the world. Epistemologies of the South outlines a new kind of bottom-up cosmopolitanism, in which conviviality, solidarity and life triumph against the logic of market-ridden greed and individualism.
Twenty-three centuries after its compilation, 'The Politics' still has much to contribute to this central question of political science. Aristotle's thorough and carefully argued analysis is based on a study of over 150 city constitutions, covering a huge range of political issues in order to establish which types of constitution are best - both ideally and in particular circumstances - and how they may be maintained. Aristotle's opinions form an essential background to the thinking of philosophers such as Thomas Aquinas, Machiavelli and Jean Bodin and both his premises and arguments raise questions that are as relevant to modern society as they were to the ancient world.