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The first history of the eight Jewish men and women who have served or who currently serve as justices of the Supreme Court
According to Jeffrey Rosen, Louis D. Brandeis was “the Jewish Jefferson,” the greatest critic of what he called “the curse of bigness,” in business and government, since the author of the Declaration of Independence. Published to commemorate the hundredth anniversary of his Supreme Court confirmation on June 1, 1916, Louis D. Brandeis: American Prophet argues that Brandeis was the most farseeing constitutional philosopher of the twentieth century. In addition to writing the most famous article on the right to privacy, he also wrote the most important Supreme Court opinions about free speech, freedom from government surveillance, and freedom of thought and opinion. And as the leader of the American Zionist movement, he convinced Woodrow Wilson and the British government to recognize a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Combining narrative biography with a passionate argument for why Brandeis matters today, Rosen explores what Brandeis, the Jeffersonian prophet, can teach us about historic and contemporary questions involving the Constitution, monopoly, corporate and federal power, technology, privacy, free speech, and Zionism.
As a young lawyer in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Louis Brandeis, born into a family of reformers who came to the United States to escape European anti-Semitism, established the way modern law is practiced. He was an early champion of the right to privacy and pioneer the idea of pro bono work by attorneys. Brandeis invented savings bank life insurance in Massachusetts and was a driving force in the development of the Clayton Antitrust Act, the Federal Reserve Act, and the law establishing the Federal Trade Commission. Brandeis witnessed and suffered from the anti-Semitism rampant in the United States in the early twentieth century, and with the outbreak of World War I, became at age fifty-eight the head of the American Zionist movement. During the brutal six-month congressional confirmation battle that ensued when Woodrow Wilson nominated him to the Supreme Court in 1916, Brandeis was described as “a disturbing element in any gentlemen’s club.” But once on the Court, he became one of its most influential members, developing the modern jurisprudence of free speech and the doctrine of a constitutionally protected right to privacy and suggesting what became known as the doctrine of incorporation, by which the Bill of Rights came to apply to the states. In this award-winning biography, Melvin Urofsky gives us a panoramic view of Brandeis’s unprecedented impact on American society and law.
The great monopoly in this country is money. So long as that exists, our old variety and individual energy of development are out of the question. A great industrial nation is controlled by its system of credit.
"The Moral Symbol of Zionism Throughout the World." The first Jew to serve on the U.S. Supreme Court, Brandeis [1856- 1941] was known for his liberal stand on issues of social justice. As a public citizen, he was known for his commitment to Zionism. Brandeis on Zionism is a collection of thirty-two addresses and statements that trace the evolution of his views on this issue. It includes "A Call to the Educated Jew," "The Jewish People Should be Preserved," "Every Jew is a Zionist," "The Victory of the Maccabees" and "The Common Cause of the Jewish People." In his Foreword Frankfurter calls Brandeis "the moral symbol of Zionism throughout the world." viii, 156 pp.
Revered as the "People's Attorney," Louis D. Brandeis concluded a distinguished career by serving as an associate justice (1916-1939) of the U.S. Supreme Court. Philippa Strum argues that Brandeis-long recognized as a brilliant legal thinker and defender of traditional civil liberties-was also an important political theorist whose thought has become particularly relevant to the present moment in American politics. Brandeis, Strum shows, was appalled by the suffering and waste of human potential brought on by industrialization, poverty, and a government increasingly out of touch with its citizens. In response, he developed a unique vision of a "worker's democracy" based on an economically independent and well-educated citizenry actively engaged in defining its own political destiny. She also demonstrates that, while Brandeis's thinking formed the basis of Woodrow Wilson's "New Freedom," it went well beyond Wilsonian Progressivism in its call for smaller governmental and economic units such as worker-owned businesses and consumer cooperatives. Brandeis's political thought, Strum suggests, is especially relevant to current debates over how large a role government should play in resolving everything from unemployment and homelessness to the crisis in health care. One of the few justices to support Roosevelt's New Deal policies in the 1930s, he nevertheless consistently criticized concentrated power in government (and in corporations). He agreed that the government should provide its citizens with some sort of "safety net," but at the same time should empower people to find private solutions to their needs. A half century later, Brandeis's political thought has much to offer anyone engaged in the current debates pitting individualists against communitarians and rights advocates against social welfare critics.
This completely revised and updated third edition to the Young Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States (1994) and The Supreme Court of the United States, second edition (2001) contains a complete, A-to-Z encyclopedia of the Supreme Court, its history, and current operations. This third edition includes new articles on six cases: American Library Association v. United States (2003), Bush v. Gore (2000), Grutter v. Bollinger (2003), Lawrence v. Texasr (2003), Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925), and Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (2002). Other new articles cover Fundamental rights doctrine, Intermediate scrutiny, Preferred freedoms doctrine, Strict scrutiny, and National security issues. There are updates to articles on all sitting justices, and new articles on the two newly appointed justices, Chief Justice John Roberts and Samuel Alito. The following 17 articles are updated with new examples and cases: Abortion, Affirmative action, Appointment of justices, Capital punishment, Due process of law, Equality under the Constitution, Federalism, Freedom of speech and press, Impeachment, Jurisdiction, Lemon test, Privacy, right to, Property rights, Religious issues under the Constitution, Rights of the accused, Searches and seizures, Separation of powers. All of the back matter is thoroughly updated.
Originally published in 1982 by Oxford University Press and featured in a front-page story in the Sunday New York Times, this book describes the relationship between Justice Louis D. Brandeis and then-Harvard law professor Felix Frankfurter. While on the Court, Brandeis provided Frankfurter with funds to promote a variety of political reforms. The book sparked a debate about the ethics of extrajudicial activities by Supreme Court justices. “This book sets out an historical narrative of hitherto unknown, undiscovered, yet rather extensive political activities by two major, highly respected justices of the United States Supreme Court... It now appears that in one of the most unique relationships in the Court’s history, Brandeis enlisted Frankfurter, then a professor at Harvard Law School, as his paid political lobbyist and lieutenant. Working together over a period of twenty-five years, they placed a network of disciples in positions of influence, and labored diligently for the enactment of their desired programs. This adroit use of the politically skillful Frankfurter as an intermediary enabled Brandeis to keep his considerable political endeavors hidden from the public. Not surprisingly, after his own appointment to the Court, Frankfurter resorted to some of the same methods to advance governmental goals consonant with his own political philosophy. As a result, history virtually repeated itself, with the student placing his own network of disciples in various agencies and working through this network for the realization of his own goals.” — Bruce Allen Murphy, in the Introduction to The Brandeis-Frankfurter Connection “This study of the extrajudicial activities of two celebrated Justices of the Supreme Court makes a valuable and fascinating, if somewhat schizophrenic, book... Murphy has done a first-class job of research, supplementing his labors in the Brandeis and Frankfurter papers by extensive investigation in other manuscript collections and the Columbia University oral histories and by fruitful interviews with survivors... The Brandeis-Frankfurter Connection is a useful book. It is useful because it makes us think hard about standards of judicial behavior... And it is useful because it makes us think realistically about the Court itself.” — Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., The New York Times “The Brandeis-Frankfurter Connection contains at once a great historical find and a thoughtful and, at times, brilliant essay on judicial propriety. This book deals superbly with questions not only of a citizen’s legitimate expectations for Supreme Court behavior but also of the broader role and hope for the performance of government... [Murphy] is a very reluctant muckraker who, after laying out the details, tries in a four-page conclusion to take much of it back, insisting that both the late justices ‘will survive as giants of twentieth-century America.’” — Bob Woodward, The Washington Post “[F]ascinating reading... a serious and commendable work of scholarship, a partial but engaging and persuasive portrait of the Washington political community for a good slice of the 20th century.” — Nelson W. Polsby, Commentary Magazine “A valuable study... the views of [Brandeis and Frankfurter] and their efforts to win acceptance for them have never been so searchingly studied and evaluated.” — Frank Freidel, The American Historical Review “Murphy has authored a solidly researched and important book... Murphy amply demonstrates both his thorough research abilities and his talent for weaving material together to produce a work that flows like a well-written mystery... [and] deserve[s] much credit... for assembling hitherto known and unknown facts and placing them in a useful perspective... an important work.” — Alan Betten, University of Baltimore Law Review “Murphy’s book persuasively demonstrates that Brandeis and Frankfurter never ceased to be the kind of men they were before they went to the bench-political men. Not that their behavior was unique or unprecedented. Murphy reminds readers that two-thirds of those who have sat on the highest court have engaged in ‘off-the-bench political activity’... Perhaps this book continues to stir emotions precisely because it establishes so convincingly the political effectiveness of two remarkable judges-men who have too long been esteemed as models of a pristine judicial probity that in our nation probably cannot exist.” — Victoria Schuck, The Wilson Quarterly