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This study examines the strategic value of Greek Aegean islands, and how they affect the defense of the Turkish Straits. It also examines the geographical, historical and political background of the Southern flank of NATO, and how the Aegean islands might form the basis of a NATO strategy in a future probable conventional war to defend against the Warsaw Pact (W.P.) threat. The study looks at the problems within the region between Turkey and Greece, and the consequences of those problems. Also, the paper looks at the possibility of Turkish neutrality in that future conventional war between western allies and Warsaw Pact Forces. In that case, could the Aegean islands replace the Turkish Straits as a barrier to prevent the Soviet Black Sea fleet from gaining control of the sea lines of communication in the eastern Mediterranean. The study concludes with a look at the potential NATO strategic profit from the exploitation of Aegean Greek islands, and how much it could increase its defense ability toward the W.P. threat. Keywords: Military geography; Geopolitics. (EDC).
The Aegean dispute between Greece and Turkey is a persistent problem between the two allied states. Difference of interpretation of the treaties has contributed in the prevalence of the argument. This dispute consists of five key issues. Greece only accepts one, namely the delimitation of the continental shelf. However, Turkey has introduced and has persisted on the other four, which are the delimitation of the territorial seas, the national airspace and FIR controls over the Aegean Sea, the demilitarization of the Eastern Aegean Islands and finally the disputed islands, islets and rocks which have presented the grey zones issue. All of these matters have persisted for so long, especially after the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 where the current status quo in the Aegean was introduced, due to economic, political and strategic reasons. The Aegean dispute does not only have consequences for Greece and Turkey; it also affects, negatively, NATO and the European Union. This is an ongoing problem, which if not solved it will produce future problems, not only for the two states, but also for NATO and the EU. A third party may be needed in order to assist in finding a just and permanent solution concerning this dispute, since Greece and Turkey seem incapable of solving this dispute by themselves.
In 1999 the EU decided to develop its own military capacities for crisis management. This book brings together a group of experts to examine the consequences of this decision on Nordic policy establishments, as well as to shed new light on the defence and security issues that matter for Europe as a whole.
This book examines the role of the United States in Greek–Turkish relations and fills an important gap in alliance theory regarding the guardian’s dilemma. The strategy of a great power involves not only tackling threats from enemies, but also dealing with problems that arise between allies. Every time Greece and Turkey threatened to go to war against each other, the United States had to effectively restrain its two strategic allies without straining relations with either one of them. This book explores how the United States responded to the guardian’s dilemma in six crises during the Cold War, pursuing a policy of dual restraint to prevent an intra-alliance conflict, mitigate the consequences of each crisis, and maintain effective control of the Rimland Bridge. From a neoclassical-realist standpoint, the book examines how the United States responded to each Greek–Turkish crisis, for what reasons, and with what results. It will be of interest to scholars of foreign policy, security studies, geopolitics, and international relations.