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"First published in 2014 by the Penguin Group"--Title page verso.
According to this innovative study, the conservation movement that eventually took hold throughout America had its roots among the communitarian ethic of New England countryfolk, rather than urban intellectuals or politicians. Judd tells us that ordinary people, struggling to define and redefine the morality of land and resource use, contributed immensely to America's conservation legacy. 3 maps. 24 photos.
“The negro will not be alarmed at the unjust talk against him, as is often uttered by Mr. Tillman, of South Carolina. He will not be sent to the island of the sea to please Mr. Graves, of Georgia. The negro is here to stay, to work, to learn, to obey, to pray and to accumulate property and to become a responsible factor in his own country and nation.” --Dr. John Jefferson Smallwood September 25, 1903 “John J. Smallwood is the most eloquent negro orator that has ever spoken in Steubenville. He is dark in complexion, rather fine looking, a plain but substantial dresser, unassuming in his manners, a profound scholar, and a master of the pure English. He has a full round voice, very eloquent as a speaker, logical, graceful, and convincing. Upon the subject of the “Negro Problem” he has no equal in this country.” The Steubenville Weekly Herald Star September 25, 1903 “His style of oratory, which is dignified and graceful, is suggestive of that of Hon., Frederick Douglass, and his friends, of whom he has a host, numbering among them some of the leading men and women in New England, say that in time he will surpass Douglass.” The Boston Globe November 16, 1890 “On my return to America, on the question of labor, I learned that a colored man could better represent his race upon such issues when they came before the public.” Dr. John Jefferson Smallwood The Boston Sunday Globe November 16, 1890 “But through the broader knowledge which cultivated intelligence brings, Dr. Smallwood has not stopped at the race question, but has entered upon the agitation of temperance and labor, topics affecting American citizens, white and colored.” The Boston Globe, November 16, 1890. “I was only twelve years of age when I ran away from my birthplace of Rich Square, NC . . . I walked sixty miles from N.C. into the town of Franklin [VA] where my poor, slave-born father and mother once lived and where my great but misguided grandfather was executed Aug. [1831]. I speak of my grandfather (Nat Turner) who led the Southampton Insurrection in [1831] as being “great.” I do not mean in a foolish, unselfish way but as a fact.” November 16, 1890, Dr. John Jefferson Smallwood. December 26, 1903.
When it comes to Confederate monuments, there is no common ground. Polarizing debates over their meaning have intensified into legislative maneuvering to preserve the statues, legal battles to remove them, and rowdy crowds taking matters into their own hands. These conflicts have raged for well over a century--but they've never been as intense as they are today. In this eye-opening narrative of the efforts to raise, preserve, protest, and remove Confederate monuments, Karen L. Cox depicts what these statues meant to those who erected them and how a movement arose to force a reckoning. She lucidly shows the forces that drove white southerners to construct beacons of white supremacy, as well as the ways that antimonument sentiment, largely stifled during the Jim Crow era, returned with the civil rights movement and gathered momentum in the decades after the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Monument defenders responded with gerrymandering and "heritage" laws intended to block efforts to remove these statues, but hard as they worked to preserve the Lost Cause vision of southern history, civil rights activists, Black elected officials, and movements of ordinary people fought harder to take the story back. Timely, accessible, and essential, No Common Ground is the story of the seemingly invincible stone sentinels that are just beginning to fall from their pedestals.
With a fresh take on social dynamics in the antebellum South, Jonathan Daniel Wells contests the popular idea that the Old South was a region of essentially two classes (planters and slaves) until after the Civil War. He argues that, in fact, the region had a burgeoning white middle class--including merchants, doctors, and teachers--that had a profound impact on southern culture, the debate over slavery, and the coming of the Civil War. Wells shows that the growth of the periodical press after 1820 helped build a cultural bridge between the North and the South, and the emerging southern middle class seized upon northern middle-class ideas about gender roles and reform, politics, and the virtues of modernization. Even as it sought to emulate northern progress, however, the southern middle class never abandoned its attachment to slavery. By the 1850s, Wells argues, the prospect of industrial slavery in the South threatened northern capital and labor, causing sectional relations to shift from cooperative to competitive. Rather than simply pitting a backward, slave-labor, agrarian South against a progressive, free-labor, industrial North, Wells argues that the Civil War reflected a more complex interplay of economic and cultural values.
The National Book Award Finalist and New York Times bestseller that became a guide and balm for a country struggling to understand the election of Donald Trump "A generous but disconcerting look at the Tea Party. . . . This is a smart, respectful and compelling book." —Jason DeParle, The New York Times Book Review When Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election, a bewildered nation turned to Strangers in Their Own Land to understand what Trump voters were thinking when they cast their ballots. Arlie Hochschild, one of the most influential sociologists of her generation, had spent the preceding five years immersed in the community around Lake Charles, Louisiana, a Tea Party stronghold. As Jedediah Purdy put it in the New Republic, "Hochschild is fascinated by how people make sense of their lives. . . . [Her] attentive, detailed portraits . . . reveal a gulf between Hochchild's 'strangers in their own land' and a new elite." Already a favorite common read book in communities and on campuses across the country and called "humble and important" by David Brooks and "masterly" by Atul Gawande, Hochschild's book has been lauded by Noam Chomsky, New Orleans mayor Mitch Landrieu, and countless others. The paperback edition features a new afterword by the author reflecting on the election of Donald Trump and the other events that have unfolded both in Louisiana and around the country since the hardcover edition was published, and also includes a readers' group guide at the back of the book.
The little-known history of anti-secession Southerners: “Absolutely essential Civil War reading.” —Booklist, starred review Bitterly Divided reveals that the South was in fact fighting two civil wars—the external one that we know so much about, and an internal one about which there is scant literature and virtually no public awareness. In this fascinating look at a hidden side of the South’s history, David Williams shows the powerful and little-understood impact of the thousands of draft resisters, Southern Unionists, fugitive slaves, and other Southerners who opposed the Confederate cause. “This fast-paced book will be a revelation even to professional historians. . . . His astonishing story details the deep, often murderous divisions in Southern society. Southerners took up arms against each other, engaged in massacres, guerrilla warfare, vigilante justice and lynchings, and deserted in droves from the Confederate army . . . Some counties and regions even seceded from the secessionists . . . With this book, the history of the Civil War will never be the same again.” —Publishers Weekly, starred review “Most Southerners looked on the conflict with the North as ‘a rich man’s war and a poor man’s fight,’ especially because owners of 20 or more slaves and all planters and public officials were exempt from military service . . . The Confederacy lost, it seems, because it was precisely the kind of house divided against itself that Lincoln famously said could not stand.” —Booklist, starred review
Since its creation in 1963, United States Southern Command has been led by 30 senior officers representing all four of the armed forces. None has undertaken his leadership responsibilities with the cultural sensitivity and creativity demonstrated by Admiral Jim Stavridis during his tenure in command. Breaking with tradition, Admiral Stavridis discarded the customary military model as he organized the Southern Command Headquarters. In its place he created an organization designed not to subdue adversaries, but instead to build durable and enduring partnerships with friends. His observation that it is the business of Southern Command to launch "ideas not missiles" into the command's area of responsibility gained strategic resonance throughout the Caribbean and Central and South America, and at the highest levels in Washington, DC.
An updated edition of a pioneering study of the South's poor whites.