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The diplomatic and political events leading to the establishment of the German Empire have been studied extensively, but the social matrix of civic activity has been sadly neglected. Professor Hamerow fills this gap by dealing first with the development of the economy and the community under the influence of industrialization. He then considers the ideologies of the era and the groups supporting them: liberalism and the middle class; conservatism and the outlook of the old order; socialism and the emerging industrial working class. The final section of his book is on the structure of politics: the system of parties, the nature of civic organizations, and public opinion. Originally published in 1969. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
This volume, together with its predeccessor (Ideas and Institutions, 1969), is an examinataion of the social and economic foreces that helped shape Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. The previous volume established the ideological and institutional framework; in Struggles and Accomplishments Mr. Hamerow discussess, within that framework, the forma nd achievement of German unification. Using documentation from business, artisan, and workers' organizations, the press, and government archives, Mr. Hamerow considers the changes effected by the growth of an industrial society: among them, the new, mid-century confrontation between the established order (the crown and aristocracy) and the advocates of change (the propertied and educated bourgeoisie). The German Empire was, lie shows, the product of an unwritten compromise between the two groups, ready now to sacrifice the ideological principles that separated them for economic and political expediency. Originally published in 1972. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
In his last book, the late William Carr provides a masterly account of the origins and impact of the three major wars fought by Prussia in creating the Bismarckian Reich of 1871. He begins with a study of the development of nationalism and liberalism from the late eighteenth century to the 1860's, before turning to a detailed examination of the Schleswig-Holstein Conflict of 1864; the `Six Weeks War' of 1866; and the Franco-Prussia War of 1870--71.
Between the conclusion of the Napoleonic Wars and the outbreak of the First World War, Europe underwent a transformation unparalleled in its history. No comparable degree of change had occurred on the Continent since the New Stone Age. Theodore Hamerow examines the innovations that challenged nineteenth-century Europe, using a perspective that transcends events that occurred within national boundaries. He brings together political, social, diplomatic, and national developments to demonstrate how they relate to the profound transformations brought about by the industrial revolution. Using a wealth of statistics and other documentation to buttress insightful generalizations, Hamerow broadly appraises the implications of the shift in Europe from an agricultural to an industrial society. Among the subjects he considers are the rise of the middle and working classes, the spread of literacy and the enfranchisement of the masses, the growth of urban centers of manufacture and trade, the acquisition of colonies, the spread of military technologies, and the changes in the functions of governments.
Alan S. Milward was a renowned historian of contemporary Europe. In addition to his books, as well as articles and chapters in edited books, he also wrote nearly 250 book reviews and review articles, some in French and German, which were published in journals world-wide. Taken together they reveal a remarkable degree of theoretical consistency in his approach to understanding the history of Europe since the French Revolution. This book brings together these previously unexamined pieces of historical analysis in order to trace and shed light on key intellectual debates taking place in the second half of the 20th century. Many of these discussions continue to influence us today, such as the role of Germany in Europe, the economic, social and political foundations of European integration, the European rescue of the nation-state, the reasons for launching the single currency, the conditions for retaining the allegiance of European citizens to the notions of nation and supra-nation, and ultimately the issue of democratic governance in a global environment. In bringing together these reviews and review articles, the book provides an introduction to the main scholarly achievements of Milward, in his own words. Fernando Guirao and Frances M.B. Lynch provide an introduction to the volume, which both guides the reader through many of the academic debates embedded within the text while underlining their contemporary relevance. By introducing and bringing together this hitherto overlooked treasure trove of historical analysis, this book maps a close itinerary of some of the most salient intellectual debates of the second half of the 20th century and beyond. This unique volume will be of great interest to scholars of economic history, European history and historiography.
Far from being mere antiquarian or sentimental curiosities, the rebuilt or reused fortresses of the Rhine reflect major changes in Germany and Europe during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Taylor begins The Castles of the Rhine with a synopsis of the major political, social and intellectual changes that influenced castle rebuilding in the nineteenth century. He then focuses on selected castles, describing their turbulent histories from the time of their original construction, through their destruction or decay, to their rediscovery in the 1800s and their continued preservation today. Reading this book is equivalent to looking at history though a romantic-nationalist kaleidoscope. Amply illustrated with maps and photographs, The Castles of the Rhine is a wonderful companion for anyone with dreams or experience of journeying along the Rhine.
During recent years, there has been a noticeable increase in interest in the nineteenth century, resulting in many fine monographs. However, these studies often gravitate toward Prussia or treat Germany's southern and northern regions as separate entities or else are thematically compartmentalized. This book overcomes these divisions, offering a wide-ranging account of this revolutionary century and skillfully combining narrative with analysis. Its lively style makes it very accessible and ideal for all students of nineteenth-century Germany.
In Contract and Consent, the renowned legal historian J. R. Pole posits that legal history has become highly specialized, while mainstream political and social historians frequently ignore cases that figure prominently in the legal literature. Pole makes a start at remedying the situation with a series of essays that reintegrate legal with political and social history. A central theme of the essays is the link between Anglo-American common law and contract law and American political and constitutional principles. Pole also emphasizes the political functions of legal institutions in English and American history, going so far as to suggest that we need to divest ourselves of any notion of the separation of powers. Instead, we need to acknowledge the historical role of courts, juries, and the common law as agencies of political representation and as promulgators of law and policy. Other essays show the implications of independence for American law, and how American political scientists converted the concept of sovereignty from its authoritarian claims in the eighteenth century into a product of the political process in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Although the American colonies made their own versions of the common law, there was no simple division between "English" and "American" law. But it was of fundamental importance that an entitled, landed aristocracy was never imported into or allowed to take root in America, with the result that American law was much simpler than its English counterpart, with the latter's accretion of esoteric language and procedures. Having established the basis of Anglo-American legal history in contract and common law in part one, in the second half of the volume Pole explores various constitutional and legal themes, from bicameralism in Britain and America and the role of the Constitution in the making of American nationality to the performance of representative institutions in the century following the American Revolution.
At the end of World War II, Argentina was the most industrialized nation in Latin America, with a highly urbanized, literate, and pluralistic society. But over the past four decades, the country has suffered political and economic crises of increasing intensity that have stalled industrial growth, sharpened class conflict, and led to long periods of military rule. In this book, Paul Lewis attempts to explain how that happened. Lewis begins by describing the early development of Argentine industry, from just before the turn of the century to the eve of Juan Peron's rise to power after World War II. He discusses the emergence of the new industrialists and urban workers and delineates the relationships between those classes and the traditional agrarian elites who controlled the state. Under Peron, the country shifted from an essentially liberal strategy of development to a more corporatist approach. Whereas most writers view Peron as a pragmatist, if not opportunist, Lewis treats him as an ideologue whose views remained consistent throughout his career, and he holds Peron, along with his military colleagues, chiefly responsible for ending the evolution of Argentina's economy toward dynamic capitalism. Lewis describes the political stalemate between Peronists and anti-Peronists from 1955 to 1987 and shows how the failure of post-Peron governments to incorporate the trade union movement into the political and economic mainstream resulted in political polarization, economic stagnation, and a growing level of violence. He then recounts Peron's triumphal return to power and the subsequent inability of his government to restore order and economic vigor through a return to corporatist measures. Finally, Lewis examines the equally disappointing failures of the succeeding military regime under General Videla and the restoration of democracy under President Raul Alfonsin to revive the free market. By focusing on the organization, development, and political activities of pressure groups rather than on parties or governmental institutions, Lewis gets to the root causes of Argentina's instability and decline--what he calls "the politics of political stagnation." At the same time, he provides important information about Argentina's entrepreneurial classes and their relation to labor, government, the military, and foreign capital. The book is unique in the wealth of its detail and the depth of its analysis.