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This report describes and analyzes the policy implications of the shifting security and foreign policy concerns among China's leaders since the mid-1960s. Among these concerns, none has more profoundly affected Chinese policymaking than the deterioration and militarization of Sino-Soviet relations. This study traces the course of the conflict between Moscow and Beijing to indicate the increasing emphasis that both leaderships have placed on the national security aspects of their rivalry. Beijing's predominant security concern is to reduce (or at least to stabilize) the Soviet political and military threat to China. Several key policy considerations continue to be contentious issues within the Chinese leadership, including (1) China's effort to construct an anti-Soviet security coalition with the United States and other major powers; (2) a burgeoning pattern of economic, technological, and political links between China and the noncommunist industrialized world intended to facilitate China's modernization; and (3) periodic overtures to the Soviet Union that test Moscow's willingness to negotiate key bilateral issues.
This report describes and analyzes the policy implications of the shifting security and foreign policy concerns among China's leaders since the mid-1960s. Among these concerns, none has more profoundly affected Chinese policymaking than the deterioration and militarization of Sino-Soviet relations. This study traces the course of the conflict between Moscow and Beijing to indicate the increasing emphasis that both leadership have placed on the national security aspects of their rivalry. Beijing's predominant security concern is to reduce (or at least to stabilize) the Soviet political and military threat to China. Several key policy considerations continue to be contentious issues within the Chineses leadership, including (1) China's effort to construct an anti-Soviet security coalition with the United States and other major powers; (2) a burgeoning pattern of economic, technological, and political links between China and the noncommunist industralized work intended to facilitate China's modernization; and (3) periodic overtures to the Soviet Union that test Moscow's willingness to negotiate key bilateral issues. (Author).
The conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War has long been understood in a global context, but Jeremy Friedman's Shadow Cold War delves deeper into the era to examine the competition between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China for the leadership of the world revolution. When a world of newly independent states emerged from decolonization desperately poor and politically disorganized, Moscow and Beijing turned their focus to attracting these new entities, setting the stage for Sino-Soviet competition. Based on archival research from ten countries, including new materials from Russia and China, many no longer accessible to researchers, this book examines how China sought to mobilize Asia, Africa, and Latin America to seize the revolutionary mantle from the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union adapted to win it back, transforming the nature of socialist revolution in the process. This groundbreaking book is the first to explore the significance of this second Cold War that China and the Soviet Union fought in the shadow of the capitalist-communist clash.
A decade after the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China established their formidable alliance in 1950, escalating public disagreements between them broke the international communist movement apart. In The Sino-Soviet Split, Lorenz Lüthi tells the story of this rupture, which became one of the defining events of the Cold War. Identifying the primary role of disputes over Marxist-Leninist ideology, Lüthi traces their devastating impact in sowing conflict between the two nations in the areas of economic development, party relations, and foreign policy. The source of this estrangement was Mao Zedong's ideological radicalization at a time when Soviet leaders, mainly Nikita Khrushchev, became committed to more pragmatic domestic and foreign policies. Using a wide array of archival and documentary sources from three continents, Lüthi presents a richly detailed account of Sino-Soviet political relations in the 1950s and 1960s. He explores how Sino-Soviet relations were linked to Chinese domestic politics and to Mao's struggles with internal political rivals. Furthermore, Lüthi argues, the Sino-Soviet split had far-reaching consequences for the socialist camp and its connections to the nonaligned movement, the global Cold War, and the Vietnam War. The Sino-Soviet Split provides a meticulous and cogent analysis of a major political fallout between two global powers, opening new areas of research for anyone interested in the history of international relations in the socialist world.
Drawing on the rich trove of recently declassified Russian and Chinese archival materials, this history of Sino-Soviet relations in the 20th century sheds new light on key events during this period. It offers fresh insights into the role of ideology and national interests in the evolution of the complex and turbulent relationship between not just the two countries but also their respective Communist Parties. The chapters on the normalization of bilateral ties provide an in-depth analysis of divisions in the socialist camp that culminated in both its collapse and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The book argues that 20th century Sino-Soviet relations reflected both long-standing and emerging political and geopolitical challenges facing members of the Cold War socialist camp, in particular tensions between the ideal of internationalism and national aspirations, between commitment to the principle of sovereignty and commitment to that of equality in international relations, and between inter-party relations and inter-state relations. This makes for a valuable addition to the reading lists of all those interested in the development of the relationship between two of the world’s most important countries.
A co-publication with the Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Washington, D. C.
An emerging star in the field of US-China policy pairs leading scholars from both the US and China in dialogues about the most crucial elements of the relationship.
For more than a century, no US adversary or coalition of adversaries - not Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, or the Soviet Union - has ever reached sixty percent of US GDP. China is the sole exception, and it is fast emerging into a global superpower that could rival, if not eclipse, the United States. What does China want, does it have a grand strategy to achieve it, and what should the United States do about it? In The Long Game, Rush Doshi draws from a rich base of Chinese primary sources, including decades worth of party documents, leaked materials, memoirs by party leaders, and a careful analysis of China's conduct to provide a history of China's grand strategy since the end of the Cold War. Taking readers behind the Party's closed doors, he uncovers Beijing's long, methodical game to displace America from its hegemonic position in both the East Asia regional and global orders through three sequential "strategies of displacement." Beginning in the 1980s, China focused for two decades on "hiding capabilities and biding time." After the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, it became more assertive regionally, following a policy of "actively accomplishing something." Finally, in the aftermath populist elections of 2016, China shifted to an even more aggressive strategy for undermining US hegemony, adopting the phrase "great changes unseen in century." After charting how China's long game has evolved, Doshi offers a comprehensive yet asymmetric plan for an effective US response. Ironically, his proposed approach takes a page from Beijing's own strategic playbook to undermine China's ambitions and strengthen American order without competing dollar-for-dollar, ship-for-ship, or loan-for-loan.
This book examines how recent fundamental changes influence Sino-Russian relations and the wider long-term implications of the revolving Sino-Russian dynamic on international affairs. It brings together leading scholars to examine recent developments across the whole relationship – from grand strategy and global governance, to bilateral energy and military ties, and regional interaction in Central Asia, Northeast Asia, and the Middle East. The Sino-Russian relationship boasts major achievements, but also reveals important differences and latent tensions. The project is intended for policy-makers, academics and students of strategic studies, diplomacy studies, Chinese politics, Russian politics and foreign policy.
The second volume of The Cambridge History of Communism explores the rise of Communist states and movements after World War II. Leading experts analyze archival sources from formerly Communist states to re-examine the limits to Moscow's control of its satellites; the de-Stalinization of 1956; Communist reform movements; the rise and fall of the Sino-Soviet alliance; the growth of Communism in Asia, Africa and Latin America; and the effects of the Sino-Soviet split on world Communism. Chapters explore the cultures of Communism in the United States, Western Europe and China, and the conflicts engendered by nationalism and the continued need for support from Moscow. With the danger of a new Cold War developing between former and current Communist states and the West, this account of the roots, development and dissolution of the socialist bloc is essential reading.