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Guru Nanak had gifted the Sikhs with an ideology. Guru Angad had given them the Gurmukhi script. Guru Arjan Dev coalesced the hymns authored or collected by the Gurus and made them a people of the book. Guru Govind Rai created the Khalsa identity with its five symbols (Panj Kakke). Maharaja Ranjit Singh's conquests gave them the pride of race. British insistence on recruiting only keshdhari Sikhs encouraged the Khalsa to assert their distinct identity. The trend accelerated since the revolt of 1857, when John Lawrence reversed the initial successes of the rebels with the recovery of Delhi with forces from the Punjab. Sikhs were co-opted by the British with the clever broadcast of the Guru Tegh Bahadur myth that the Sikhs would be able to avenge the martyrdom of the Guru in Delhi with the help of a white race. Since then the Sikhs formed the backbone of the British Indian army and all their political influence flowed out of this military connection. The unexpected Congress concession of weightage to the Muslims in the Lucknow Pact of 1916 awakened the Sikhs to the necessity of the defence of Khalsa interests. Their vociferations compelled the British to concede a 19 per cent weightage for the Sikhs in the Montagu-Chelmsford Act of 1919. Gandhi appreciated the indispensable nature of Sikh support for the success of the British military machine. His attempt to subsume the Akali movement under the umbrella of the Non-Cooperation movement in the 1920s against the British and again his attempt to win over the Sikhs for his Civil Disobedience movement during the Lahore Congress in 1929 reflected this shrewd political sense. Sikhs continued to wrench concessions both from the British and the Congress as long as the Pax Britannica had any chance of survival. But as the negotiations for decolonization quickened after the end of the Second World War, the magic of Sikh arms could no longer work miracles for their slender numbers. While British statesmen from Cripps to Attlee – all burnt gallons of midnight oil thinking of an acceptable settlement of the Hindu-Muslim impasse, no one paid much attention to the pathetic quest of Sikh leaders since 1940 to work out an acceptable formula for readjusting the borders of the Punjab to accommodate the birthplace of the Gurus or the canal colonies, worked through long years of Sikh toil. This book traces the history of Sikhs in India, from the formation of a distinct Sikh identity, to their struggle for political representation in the pre-indedenpence era and their quest for an independent state. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka
This book is about partition of punjab in 1947 and its after story. In 1947 British India was divided into two parts, one of which was the Punjab. It's no surprise that a poet from Jhang, Pakistan's Punjab province, laments the loss of beauty. He claims that in exchange for vultures, which he interprets as a metaphor for death, uniformity, and ugliness, Punjab had to give up much of its culture and a large number of its people, including many beautiful maidens. This couplet was sent with me by a Punjabi Muslim woman from Jhang, who grieved the loss of diversity in partitioned Punjab.
Illustrations: 9 B/w Illustrations and 2 Maps Description: The kingdom of Punjab founded by Maharaja Ranjit Singh was short lived and passed into the hands of the British within a decade of his death in June 1839. The Partition of the Punjab, treats the history of Punjab from 1849 to 1947. Important events which changed the history of India and the effect these events had on Punjab are dealt with in detail. During the upheaval of 1857, Punjab stood solidly behind the British and enabled them to recapture Delhi. The century of British rule in Punjab brought peace and prosperity to its people. This in turn brought a change in the religious attitude of its people leading to the founding of the Arya Samaj. During the freedom struggle Punjab gave Lala Lajpat Rai and a host of others who gladly sacrificed all they had for a united India. April 13 is an unforgettable date for the people of Punjab; for it was on that day in 1919 that General Dyer ordered the massacre of people, who had assembled at Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar, to protest against the deportation Dr. Kitchlaw. All these and many more incidents are described in vivid detail. A chapter on the aftermath of partition is also added. This book will be of great help to those interested in the history of freedom movement and to others who want to know the complete history of Punjab during the century before partition.
Traditions, Personalities and Memories: Aspects of Sikh History, 1469-1914, Essays in Honour of Sardar Saran Singh highlights the traditions of self-sacrifice associated with the Sikh Gurus and their renowned followers. Ironically, these great traditions ended up being undermined during the most glorious phase of Sikh history-the rule of Maharajah Ranjit Singh-so much so that both the British sympathizers, Chief Khalsa Diwan and the Singh Sabhas, as well as the anti-British Namdharis, tried to revive these noble traditions. Persecuted by the British rulers, the Namdharis sustained their anti-colonial activities through the Ghadar movement in the twentieth century.
Changing Homelands offers a startling new perspective on what was and was not politically possible in late colonial India. In this highly readable account of the partition in the Punjab, Neeti Nair rejects the idea that essential differences between the Hindu and Muslim communities made political settlement impossible. Far from being an inevitable solution, the idea of partition was a very late, stunning surprise to the majority of Hindus in the region. In tracing the political and social history of the Punjab from the early years of the twentieth century, Nair overturns the entrenched view that Muslims were responsible for the partition of India. Some powerful Punjabi Hindus also preferred partition and contributed to its adoption. Almost no one, however, foresaw the deaths and devastation that would follow in its wake. Though much has been written on the politics of the Muslim and Sikh communities in the Punjab, Nair is the first historian to focus on the Hindu minority, both before and long after the divide of 1947. She engages with politics in post-Partition India by drawing from oral histories that reveal the complex relationship between memory and history—a relationship that continues to inform politics between India and Pakistan.