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The Scourging of Iraq describes the impact of the 1991 Gulf War and subsequent economic sanctions on the Iraqi people. Evidence is presented to show that food and medicine are being denied to the civilian population, and that this involves a gross violation of the 1977 Protocol 1 addition to the 1949 Geneva Convention, which includes the words: 'Starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is prohibited'. Sanctions are considered in a historical, political and legal context, with particular attention to how the economic blockade may be seen as a criminal violation of UN resolutions and the UN Genocide Convention.
The Scourging of Iraq describes the impact of the 1991 Gulf War and subsequent economic sanctions on the Iraqi people. Evidence is presented to show that food and medicine are being denied to the civilian population, and that this involves a gross violation of the 1977 Protocol 1 addition to the 1949 Geneva Convention, which includes the words: 'Starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is prohibited'. Sanctions are considered in a historical, political and legal context, with particular attention to how the economic blockade may be seen as a criminal violation of UN resolutions and the UN Genocide Convention.
The Scourging of Iraq describes the impact of the 1991 Gulf War on the Iraqi people and land, and shows how the wartime suffering and devastation has been exacerbated ever since by the imposition of an extreme sanctions regime. Evidence is presented to show that food and medicine are being denied to the Iraqi people; and that, as one of many consequences, the United States is using virtual biological warfare against a civilian population. It is argued that both the prosecution of the US-led war and the protracted economic embargo have involved the United States in cynical violations of international law. Particular attention is given to the 1977 Protocol 1 addition to the 1949 Geneva Convention, which includes the words: 'Starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is prohibited'. Sanctions are considered in a historical, political and legal context with focus on the role of the United States as a hegemonic power. Attention is given also to how the economic blockade might be reasonably viewed as a genocidal crime in violation of UN resolutions and the UN Genocide Convention.
The book considers the ethical credentials of the United States in branding various countries 'pariah states', and describes the background to the Iraq Question (the role of Saddam, the genocidal sanctions regime, etc.). A detailed chronology of 1997-98 US/Iraq weapons-inspections crisis is given, prior to a profile of the subsequent UN/Iraqi settlement and its aftermath.
The implementation of disarmament requirements imposed by the Security Council after the Second Gulf War established a strong and unequal power relationship between the United Nations and Iraq. Although the ensuing struggle over imposed disarmament has been a major issue in world politics, international relations theorists continue to ignore it. Deaver argues that this case has important theoretical implications. Using sociological insights and a behavioral approach, he examines the power relationship as well as Iraqi resistance from 1991 to 1998. Theorists are likely to find these analytic tools useful since they provide a ready means of studying the micro-foundations of power relations in generalized terms. Behavior such as supervision, surveillance, inspection, and monitoring are widespread and growing in world politics. A focus on tactics demonstrates the role of monitoring in maintaining and strengthening the relationship between the United Nations and Iraq. An analysis of dynamics makes comprehensible Iraqi losses of sovereignty and the eventual collapse of the relationship. Contrary to popular opinion, whoever escalated tensions hurt their own cause: Iraqi resistance contributed greatly to United Nations gains, while the United Nations successes led to the collapse of its relationship with Iraq.
This book examines the role and limits of policies in shaping attitudes and actions toward war, violence, and peace. Authors examine militaristic language and metaphor, effects of media violence on children, humanitarian intervention, sanctions, peacemaking, sex offender treatment programs, nationalism, cosmopolitanism, community, and political forgiveness to identify problem policies and develop better ones.
This volume explores in close detail the events and factors leading up to the second Gulf War in 2003 and considers whether war with Iraq was inevitable. Nick Ritchie and Paul Rogers argue that after the election of George W. Bush, conflict between Iraq and the United States was probable, and that after 9/11 it became virtually inevitable. They begin by setting the story of Iraq, Bush and 9/11 within the broader context of the importance of the Persian Gulf to enduring US national security interests and go on to examine the intense politicking that surrounded the conflict and still reverberates today. The authors examine US policy towards Iraq at the end of the Clinton administration, the opposition in Congress and Washington’s conservative think tanks to Clinton’s strategy of containment, and the evolution of Iraq policy during the first eight months of the Bush presidency and the growing pressure for regime change. They also explore the immediate focus on Iraq after the attacks of September 11 that marked a watershed in US national security policy and chart the construction of the case against Iraq through 2002 and the administration’s determination to end Saddam Hussein’s regime at all costs. The Political Road to War with Iraq will be of great interest to all students and scholars of US foreign policy, war and peace studies and international relations.
This book states that one calamitous result of the invasion and occupation of Iraq (2003) was the dismantling of the state and the destruction of all the structures and processes of government. The invading powers, the USA and UK, were obsessed with the removal of the regime of Saddam Hussein, which they regarded a clear danger and a serious threat to their strategies designs and in the region. To justify their atrocity, they trumped up a number of falsehoods and charges, such as the issue of WMD. Before that and over a period of 13 years, they had imposed unprecedented, fierce and relentless sanctions on the country. These sanctions not only impoverished and aggrieved the people of Iraq, but also instilled and deeply etched a sense of pessimistic impassivity among many Iraqis in that they felt no longer cared whatever the future might hold for them. The regime’s totalitarian nature also helped in creating this attitude. To add insult to injury, the provisional US-installed administration passed many resolutions which have had catastrophic consequences, such as the total dissolution of the security and armed forces and the de-baathification law. The hurriedly contrived new constitution confounded the situation even further and negatively impacted the integrity of the state. Exploiting the inconclusiveness and ambiguities contained in it, the Iraqi Kurdish Region became a de facto independent entity. In time, the central government became weaker than the regions. The hardest hit in this chaotic state of affairs was national unity. The sectarian and ethnic quota-based policies followed by the occupying forces and the expatriate Iraqis who came along with them dealt successive blows to the laws and institutions of the land which further disintegrated the Iraqi state. Iraq now is in dire need of national reconciliation programme aimed at re-uniting the people and the country.
This book survey Britain ́s foreign policy since 1870. Conventional accounts stress the rulers ́ benevolent rhetoric: I present the evidence that refutes this superficial, liberal view. Britain ́s economy is the key to understanding its foreign policy: capitalism causes a conflict-ridden foreign policy. The rulers ́ focus has been on seizing profits from abroad, for which they have sacrificed the welfare of the British people. British governments - Conservative, Liberal and Labour alike - have represented the tiny minority who own the means of production, and have opposed the great majority who have to work for a living. The ruling class ́s external focus has also damaged relations with other countries and helped to produce the two recurring types of war - wars between rival empires and wars against national liberation.
Imposing sanctions on Iraq was one of the most heinous of crimes committed in the 20th century. Yet it has received little attention in the Anglo-American world. Despite the calamitous destruction resulting from the sanctions, no serious attempts by legal professionals, academics or philosophers have been undertaken to address the full scope of the immorality and illegality of such a criminal and unprecedented mass punishment. Genocide in Iraq offers a comprehensive coverage of Iraq’s politics, its building, its destruction through aggression and sanctions, and an analysis of the legality of these sanctions from the point of view of international laws and human rights laws. It presents a detailed policy analysis indicating how, under Ba’ath rule, Iraq had risen to become-be fore 12 years of total sanctions were globally enforced-the most progressive and developed Arab nation in the Middle East. It then contrasts that rising nation to the devastated remains left in the aftermath of sanctions, which nonetheless was yet to endure, in 2003, the full force of the American “shock and awe” invasion. The book explains why, in modern times, imperialist powers felt it was necessary to occupy Baghdad. It also puts forward the uniqueness of Iraq as at the heart of both Sunni and Shi’a theology, arguing it was this very centrality of Iraq, which far outweighs the significance of Arabia in socio-economic, religious and geostrategic dimensions, that at the same time makes Iraq a target. It details the building of Iraq by the Ba’ath regime, part of which was done with remarkable speed, putting to rest the argument that other countries in the area were developed at a similar pace. It also details the devastation of Iraq by 2003 after 12 years of sanctions-a devastation so dreadful that by the UN’s own accounting, some 500,000 child deaths were due to it; a devastation so pervasive and overwhelming that two of the UN’s own key administrators of the sanctions program, Dennis Halliday and Hans von Sponeck, resigned in protest.