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Master's Thesis from the year 2018 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: A, Cranfield University (Defence and Security), course: Security Sector Management, language: English, abstract: The conflict in South Sudan manifested on the 15 December 2013 and the regional organization IGAD moved quickly to manage it by establishing several structures that included the Cessation of Hostilities agreement and the Status of Detainees Agreement. However, the process of negotiating enduring peace and security in the country have proven elusive. Despite concerted efforts by IGAD, AU and even the UN, peace has remained elusive for the people of South Sudan. This research employs the neoliberal institutionalism theory to try and explain the reasons for this failure. It identifies weaknesses that range from conflicting interests of the IGAD member states, to egotistical competitions among the negotiators and lack of understanding of the problem. The attempt to recalibrate the new security problems in the manner of the comprehensive Peace Agreement that brought an end to the Sudan war, can be seen as a failure to appreciate the new conflict dynamics that drive the ethnic war currently ongoing in South Sudan. Moreover IGAD has had a checkered history in peace and security and although it was hoping to use this experience in South Sudan, it failed to evaluate and resolve the South Sudan on its own merit. Thus in conclusion, we find that no conflicts are alike and any attempt to use a template will most likely fail.
Essay from the year 2009 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: 1, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, language: English, abstract: This essay addresses the question in how far regional institutions provide security. It will be analysed whether states use regional institutions as a tool to pursuit their national self-interest or whether regional organisations have an influence on a country's perception on security matters and help to create a security community. The Cold War period had a dual effect on regional conflicts. Conflicts that would otherwise have been local were subsumed within the superpower competition of the US-led (capitalist) Western and Soviet-led (communist) Eastern bloc. Fearing the other power might gain political influence such as in Africa, each superpower was driven to assist one or the other party of a conflict. Since the beginning of decolonization which began after the Second World War, the regional level of security became more autonomous and prominent in the developing world and the end of the Cold War accelerated this process. Both the remaining superpower (United States) and the other great powers had less incentive and were less inclined to intervene in security affairs outside their own regions. For these reasons, regional institutions have become more involved in the maintenance of peace and security in different parts of the world, e.g. the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The emergence of regional organisations has brought about contrasting views on their effectiveness as providers for security. Whereas skeptics claim that member states use regional institutions to follow their national self-interest instead of pursuing collective security, advocates argue that regional organisations are important components of any lasting peace.
The end of the Cold War has diminished the seriousness of external threats to the United States but increased their number. Touted as a candidate for sheriff in a world without law, the United States accepts that it has obligations but is wary about taking on unlimited responsibility. Multilateral crisis management under some sort of international mandate is one attractive possibility. Operating under the mandate of an international organization, however, requires advance planning and engagement. Despite ongoing improvements the UN remains an imperfect instrument. Regional organizations are even less capable. This situation has fostered renewed interest in regionalism. Regional organizations have both advantages and disadvantages for this role.
The practice and concept of regional organizations as a means conflict transformation is not a new phenomenon in the history of Africa. Since independence, Africa experienced the growth of regional organizations primarily established to facilitate economic development and cooperation. However, they expanded their mandate to incorporate issues of conflict transformation over time. This is because sustainable economic development cannot be achieved without peace and democratic governance. Besides, the escalation of inter-state and intra-state conflicts necessitated the establishment of regional organizations. The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has played a constructive role to maintain peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. Its role was extended when it assumed mediation efforts in the Sudan and Somalia in the early 1990s. IGAD become the accepted vehicle for regional peace and security. This book argues that IGAD saved Somalia from protracted civil war and political instability by mediating conflicting parties, and by mobilizing the efforts the member states and the international community though it suffered from uncountable limitations.
During the Cold War, the United Nations developed the mission termed "peacekeeping" to help manage conflict. These peace operations helped save millions of lives, prevented conflicts from escalating, and provided an environment for the political settlement of disputes despite the superpower conflict. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the United Nations found itself freer to act than at any time in its history, and the demands placed on the organization quickly outstripped its ability to cope. This thesis examines the role of regional organizations in the conduct of peacekeeping. It asks if the international community's singular focus on the United Nations as the vehicle for peacekeeping prevented the regional organizations from contributing more to international security. Furthermore, if the regional organizations could contribute significantly to international peace, then what role should the Defense Department play in supporting these efforts? Regional organizations have conducted peacekeeping operations in the past with mixed results. This thesis examines the intervention by the Organization of American States (OAS) into the Dominican Republic in 1965, the OAS role in the Central American peace process in the late 1980s, and the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States into Liberia in 1990. These operations illustrate several salient features of regional organizations conducting peacekeeping. This study concludes that in order for peacekeepers to achieve their mandate, it is critical to possess strong political will and a minimum of operational support. Furthermore, regional organizations run the gamut in both political will and operational capability. Their performance indicates that when their national interests are at stake, the regionals demonstrate the required political will to persevere in a mission. Furthermore, they indicate an increasingly strong determination to participate in peacekeeping missions.
States of Fragility 2020 sets a policy agenda for fragility at a critical turning point: the final countdown on Agenda 2030 is at hand, and the pandemic has reversed hard-fought gains. This report examines fragility as a story in two parts: the global state of fragility that existed before COVID-19, and the dramatic impact the pandemic is having on that landscape.
Three years into the 2030 Agenda it is already apparent that those living in fragile contexts are the furthest behind. Not all forms of fragility make it to the public’s eye: fragility is an intricate beast, sometimes exposed, often lurking underneath, but always holding progress back. Conflict ...
This book utilizes a systems thinking perspective to propose a holistic framework of analysis and practice for the regional security community (“RSC”) arrangement in Africa. In responding to the challenge of improving effectiveness of response to peace and security threats, African states tend to rely on ad hoc mechanisms. However, this approach has been mired with a myriad of structural limitations. The holistic framework reconfigures the traditional “RSC” into a simplified tool kit of “resources”, making this text book ideal for students and advanced researchers in international relations, and all those concerned with regional security and strategic studies.
The end of the Cold War has dramatically changed the strategic landscape of the world. In a strategic environment dominated politically, economically, and militarily by the United States, the nation is enjoying a "strategic lull." The threat of big power and regional conflicts has diminished. However, the security landscape is now characterized by political fragmentation, Third World chaos, failed states, and ethnic conflicts among others. The collapse of the bipolar power structure has removed the superpower restraints on such conflicts. There has been an evolution in two key principles of international order: the sovereignty of states and the norm of nonintervention. The consequence has been a multitude of new claimants to sovereignty and an increase in the number of incidences of intervention. As these intervention operations mount, the U.S. military is concerned with the consequent drain on resources and the implications on its ability to carry out the core business of the military. In such an environment, it is more difficult to support military involvement in activities like peacekeeping and humanitarian missions in places that the United States has no readily apparent vital interest. In the face of domestic pressure, one alternative is to develop other resources. One attractive option is to empower and develop regional security organizations. The existence and recent development of regional organizations provide potential candidates for nurture as multiple centers of security. These regional organizations should be encouraged to take on regional collective security roles. In his 1992 report to the Security Council, UN Secretary General Boutros-Ghali underscored the productive roles that regional organizations can play in the areas of preventive diplomacy, peace operations, and post-conflict peace building. Regional organizations also should develop the appropriate political-military interfaces and infrastructure to manage multinational military operations.
Violent conflicts today are complex and increasingly protracted, involving more nonstate groups and regional and international actors. It is estimated that by 2030—the horizon set by the international community for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals—more than half of the world’s poor will be living in countries affected by high levels of violence. Information and communication technology, population movements, and climate change are also creating shared risks that must be managed at both national and international levels. Pathways for Peace is a joint United Nations†“World Bank Group study that originates from the conviction that the international community’s attention must urgently be refocused on prevention. A scaled-up system for preventive action would save between US$5 billion and US$70 billion per year, which could be reinvested in reducing poverty and improving the well-being of populations. The study aims to improve the way in which domestic development processes interact with security, diplomacy, mediation, and other efforts to prevent conflicts from becoming violent. It stresses the importance of grievances related to exclusion—from access to power, natural resources, security and justice, for example—that are at the root of many violent conflicts today. Based on a review of cases in which prevention has been successful, the study makes recommendations for countries facing emerging risks of violent conflict as well as for the international community. Development policies and programs must be a core part of preventive efforts; when risks are high or building up, inclusive solutions through dialogue, adapted macroeconomic policies, institutional reform, and redistributive policies are required. Inclusion is key, and preventive action needs to adopt a more people-centered approach that includes mainstreaming citizen engagement. Enhancing the participation of women and youth in decision making is fundamental to sustaining peace, as well as long-term policies to address the aspirations of women and young people.