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Originally published in 1962. In The Road to Normalcy, Wesley M. Bagby explains how the election of 1920 contributed to momentous shifts in American politics by detailing why the major political parties abandoned sentiments that were widely accepted several years prior to the election. Prior to World War I, two significant streams of progressivism maintained center stage in American politics—the Progressive movement and the world peace movement. The war proved not to be prohibitively distracting for the Progressive movement, which carried on well into the war years. But the war also introduced new elements into American political life, such as the restriction of free speech, popular outbursts of intolerance and hatred encouraged by war propaganda, and a belief in the necessity and efficacy of violence. Many of these elements eroded the ideals undergirding the Progressive movement. The international peace movement reflected the spirit of idealistic internationalism that characterized the tenor of American foreign policy from the beginning to the end of the war. However, the election of 1920, the first presidential election after World War I, addressed the question of whether America would resume its progressive efforts at home and abroad following the war. The election ultimately stymied both political currents, proving to be an end for both the Progressive movement and the world peace movement.
In this book leading American politics experts examine every facet of the stunning 2020 election and its aftermath, and how these events will impact America moving forward. Each contributor goes beyond the headlines and dives into the underlying forces and shifts that drove the election from its earliest developments to its chaotic conclusion.
A "superb" and "ambitious" (New York Times) intellectual and political history of the last century of American conservatism When most people think of modern conservatism, they think of Ronald Reagan. Yet this narrow view leaves many to question: How did Donald Trump win the presidency? And what is the future of the Republican Party? In The Right, Matthew Continetti gives a sweeping account of movement conservatism's evolution, from the Progressive Era through the present. He tells the story of how conservatism began as networks of intellectuals, developing and institutionalizing a vision that grew over time, only to see their creation buckle under new pressures from national populist movements. Drawing out the tensions between the desire for mainstream acceptance and the pull of extremism, Continetti argues that the more one studies conservatism's past, the more one becomes convinced of its future. Updated with a new epilogue, The Right is essential reading for anyone looking to understand American conservatism.
The Brazilian Communist Party was one of the largest Communist parties in Latin America until its split and dissolution in the 1990s. Although not granted legal status as a political party of Brazil until 1985, the Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) has been tolerated by that country's regime. Such governmental tolerance of the PCB was not always the case. In the past, the regime of Getúlio Vargas practiced savage forms of repression against Brazilian leftists, whose "Red extremism" was cited by both government leaders and the press as sufficient cause for Vargas' adoption of the most extreme measures. Brazilian Communism, 1935–1945 is an objective and remarkably comprehensive account of the Brazilian Communist Party's struggle to survive those days of repression. From his prison cell, PCB leader Luís Carlos Prestes guided the Party's quarreling factions. All who were associated with the Left shared a common enemy: the police, who used the most brutal forms of torture to extract information about leftist activities. Young Elza Fernandes, companion of the PCB's secretary general, was one whom the police interrogated. Suspecting that she had betrayed them, the Party itself arranged her murder. Dulles' vivid account of this violent chapter in Latin American history is based on exclusive interviews with leading activists of the period and exhaustive research in the archives of both the PCB and the Brazilian police. The results make fascinating reading for Latin Americanists, historians of World War II, and students of international Communism alike.
An essential part of a journalist's responsibility is to listen, observe, ask good questions, and then listen some more. For too long, too few journalists have taken this responsibility seriously. This has been particularly true in the Trump era. Most political journalists failed to anticipate Donald Trump's rise because they are utterly unable to understand his appeal. From the start, they treated Trumpism as a pathology. They dismissed his voters as being guided by bigotry, ignorance, and fear. Needless to say, this has skewed their coverage.Worst of all, no one seems to have learned anything. The media malpractice that characterized the 2016 presidential campaign has arguably become even worse during the Trump presidency. Most of the media have remained unwilling or unable to understand and objectively report on the people and places that put Trump in the White House. When reporters do venture into “Trump's America,” they typically parachute in for only a few hours in search of evidence to confirm their pre-written narratives. Daniel Allott decided to take a different approach. In the spring of 2017, he left his position at a Washington, D.C. political magazine and began reporting from across the country. He spent much of the following three years living in and reporting from nine counties that were crucial to understanding the 2016 election; they will be equally crucial to determining who will win in 2020. This book is not just a study of Trump voters. Allott spoke with as many people as he could regardless of their politics; farmers and professors; congressmen and homeless people; refugees and drug addicts; students and retirees; progressives, conservatives, and people with no discernible or consistent political ideology. His one preference was for “switchers” — people who voted one way in 2016 and have subsequently changed their minds ahead of the 2020 election. Allot discovered that these voters are like an endangered species in Trump's America. Allott's goal wasn't simply to learn why people had voted the way they did in 2016, or to predict how they might vote in 2020. It was also to chart how their lives and circumstances changed over the course of Trump's first term in office, and how the values and priorities that inform their political views might have changed. The accounts will challenge preconceived ideas about who the people in these places are, what motivates their decisions, and what animates their lives.
No man ever steps in the same river twice, for it's not the same river and he's not the same man—Heraclitus Militancy convulsed Punjab from roughly 1984 to 1994. Afterwards, politicians, government spokespersons and assorted intellectuals declared that ‘Khalistan’ was gone and the state was ‘returning to normalcy’ as though the state would suddenly find itself in some pleasant place of bygone era. But that is far from the truth.In reality, when the gunfire ceased, 10 years of turmoil left lasting scars and chronic afflictions. Reduced accountability warped administrative and executive ‘culture’ and threat perception coloured the attitude of the judiciary for years. Victimization at the hands of both police and insurgents created risk-averse citizens who prioritized personal safety above all, while policies pertaining to state debt and industry impacted economic development.This book recounts the no-holds-barred struggle to suppress militancy that morphed into an unrestricted abuse of power. It details how militancy affected the credibility of the judiciary, why trials dragged on for 25 years, how militancy influenced the popular culture and how the youth are still responding to conditions in today’s Punjab.
In 2004, the French government instituted a ban on the wearing of "conspicuous signs" of religious affiliation in public schools. Though the ban applies to everyone, it is aimed at Muslim girls wearing headscarves. Proponents of the law insist it upholds France's values of secular liberalism and regard the headscarf as symbolic of Islam's resistance to modernity. The Politics of the Veil is an explosive refutation of this view, one that bears important implications for us all. Joan Wallach Scott, the renowned pioneer of gender studies, argues that the law is symptomatic of France's failure to integrate its former colonial subjects as full citizens. She examines the long history of racism behind the law as well as the ideological barriers thrown up against Muslim assimilation. She emphasizes the conflicting approaches to sexuality that lie at the heart of the debate--how French supporters of the ban view sexual openness as the standard for normalcy, emancipation, and individuality, and the sexual modesty implicit in the headscarf as proof that Muslims can never become fully French. Scott maintains that the law, far from reconciling religious and ethnic differences, only exacerbates them. She shows how the insistence on homogeneity is no longer feasible for France--or the West in general--and how it creates the very "clash of civilizations" said to be at the root of these tensions. The Politics of the Veil calls for a new vision of community where common ground is found amid our differences, and where the embracing of diversity--not its suppression--is recognized as the best path to social harmony.