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00 Although Kenya is often considered an African success story, its political climate became increasingly repressive under its second president, Daniel arap Moi. Widner charts the transformation of the Kenya African National Union (KANU) from a weak, loosely organized political party under Jomo Kenyatta into an arm of the president's office, with "watchdog" youth wings and strong surveillance and control functions, under Moi. She suggests that single-party systems have an inherent tendency to become "party-states," or single-party regimes in which the head of state uses the party as a means of control. The speed and extent of these changes depend on the countervailing power of independent interest groups, such as business associations, farmers, or professionals. Widner's study offers important insights into the dynamics of party systems in Africa. Although Kenya is often considered an African success story, its political climate became increasingly repressive under its second president, Daniel arap Moi. Widner charts the transformation of the Kenya African National Union (KANU) from a weak, loosely organized political party under Jomo Kenyatta into an arm of the president's office, with "watchdog" youth wings and strong surveillance and control functions, under Moi. She suggests that single-party systems have an inherent tendency to become "party-states," or single-party regimes in which the head of state uses the party as a means of control. The speed and extent of these changes depend on the countervailing power of independent interest groups, such as business associations, farmers, or professionals. Widner's study offers important insights into the dynamics of party systems in Africa.
Although Kenya is often considered an African success story, its political climate became increasingly repressive under its second president, Daniel arap Moi. Widner charts the transformation of the Kenya African National Union (KANU) from a weak, loosely organized political party under Jomo Kenyatta into an arm of the president's office, with "watchdog" youth wings and strong surveillance and control functions, under Moi. She suggests that single-party systems have an inherent tendency to become "party-states," or single-party regimes in which the head of state uses the party as a means of control. The speed and extent of these changes depend on the countervailing power of independent interest groups, such as business associations, farmers, or professionals. Widner's study offers important insights into the dynamics of party systems in Africa.
A critique of modern African 'democracies'
This engaging reassessment of postcolonial Kenya argues that the country’s political turmoil over the last fifteen years is a continuation of repeating patterns of political contestation and conflict across Kenya’s history. When Kibaki stole the 2007 presidential election, leading to a spiral of violence that left over 1,000 people dead in the space of a month, many analysts wondered how this could happen in a country that had previously been considered an oasis of peace in an otherwise conflict prone region. Combining political economy with political sociology, in this book Rok Ajulu demonstrates that in fact authoritarianism and the predatory deployment of the state has been the predominant feature of Kenya’s post-colonial period. Focusing on how power has been mediated in the country politically and the characters of the elites in charge, the analysis shows the dominance of extra-economic political coercion in economic activity. In a context in which economic activity remains predominantly political, continued control of state-power is so crucial for the new ruling class that it must be retained at all costs. Rok Ajulu’s masterful final book is a powerful and wide-ranging contribution to studies on post-colonial Kenya and will be an important resource for researchers from across political science, economics, history, sociology and African Studies.
During the run-up to Kenyas 2013 general elections, crucial political and civic questions were raised. Could past mistakes, especially political and ethnic-related violence, be avoided this time round? Would the spectre of the 2007 post-electoral violence positively or negatively affect debates and voting? How would politicians, electoral bodies such as the IEBC, the Kenyan civil society, and the international community weigh in on the elections? More generally, would the 2013 elections bear witness to the building up of an electoral culture in Kenya, characterized by free and fair elections, or would it show that voting is still weakened by political malpractices, partisan opinions and emotional reactions? Would Kenyas past be inescapable or would it prepare the scene for a new political order? Kenyas Past as Prologue adopts a multidisciplinary perspective mainly built upon field-based ethnography and a selection of case studies to answer these questions. Under the leadership of the French Institute for Research in Africa (Institut francais de recherche en Afrique, IFRA), political scientists, historians and anthropologists explore various aspects of the electoral process to contribute in-depth analyses of the last elections. They highlight the structural factors underlying election and voting in Kenya including the political system, culture and political transition. They also interrogate the short-term trends and issues that influence the new political order. The book provides insight into specific case studies, situations and contexts, thus bringing nuances and diversity into focus to better assess Kenyas evolving electoral democracy.
Why have seemingly similar African countries developed very different forms of democratic party systems? Despite virtually ubiquitous conditions that are assumed to be challenging to democracy - low levels of economic development, high ethnic heterogeneity, and weak state capacity - nearly two dozen African countries have maintained democratic competition since the early 1990s. Yet the forms of party system competition vary greatly: from highly stable, nationally organized, well-institutionalized party systems to incredibly volatile, particularistic parties in systems with low institutionalization. To explain their divergent development, Rachel Beatty Riedl points to earlier authoritarian strategies to consolidate support and maintain power. The initial stages of democratic opening provide an opportunity for authoritarian incumbents to attempt to shape the rules of the new multiparty system in their own interests, but their power to do so depends on the extent of local support built up over time.
This book provides the first comprehensive overview of the history of democracy in Africa and explains why the continent's democratic experiments have so often failed, as well as how they could succeed. Nic Cheeseman grapples with some of the most important questions facing Africa and democracy today, including whether international actors should try and promote democracy abroad, how to design political systems that manage ethnic diversity, and why democratic governments often make bad policy decisions. Beginning in the colonial period with the introduction of multi-party elections and ending in 2013 with the collapse of democracy in Mali and South Sudan, the book describes the rise of authoritarian states in the 1970s; the attempts of trade unions and some religious groups to check the abuse of power in the 1980s; the remarkable return of multiparty politics in the 1990s; and finally, the tragic tendency for elections to exacerbate corruption and violence.
The Oxford Handbook of Kenyan Politics provides a comprehensive and comparative overview of the Kenyan political system as well as an insightful account of Kenyan history from 1930 to the present day.
The first study to use Jomo Kenyatta's political biography and presidency as a basis for examining the colonial and postcolonial history of Kenya.
Advocacy for federalism in Kenya emerged amidst World War II and its aftermath. The rapidly changing political, economic, and social environment in Great Britain and British colonies in Africa formed the background for uncertainty and concern for the future among Kenya's European settler minority. Federalism's appeal came forth among a portion of the European community and some of the colonial rulers who were concerned about a post-war world that seemed certain to bring far reaching changes in Britain's most important East African dependency. These included democratization, the extension of civil liberties, increased economic opportunities for the African majority, and social integration leading to eventual decolonization. European anxiety as to the impact of such changes on their privileged political, economic and social status produced advocacy for majimbo or a federal system of governance between 1940 and 1960. This advocacy for federalism emerged in a colonial political system defined by a racially differentiated electorate with separate representative systems and voting by racially defined groups. The European minority in Kenya enjoyed pride of place in 1945, but demands for greater political participation from the larger Asian and African communities and the British government's support for a sharing of power among Kenya's racial group placed Kenya's Europeans on the defensive. The declaration of a state of Emergency in Kenya in October 1952 and the outbreak of the Mau Mau war/rebellion added to European concerns and uncertainties that provided powerful fuel for federalist ideas throughout the rest of the decade. For example, the political reforms pushed by the British government and the colonial state in response to the war/rebellion provoked enhanced calls for federalism among the vocal minority among the European community. Federalism remains a controversial topic in Kenyan history and in contemporary Kenya. In the current century, federal advocacy has been viewed by scholars and public as responsible for outbreaks of pre- and post-election violence. The movers and motives of federal advocates is also a subject that provokes strong opinions as they have often been viewed as racists or tribalists. It is thus important to examine and analyze the movers of majimbo, their motives, the shape and substance of their schemes, and the reasons for their lack of success in moving late colonial Kenya to adopt a federal system. This book demonstrates that the decade of the 1950s was the high water point for federalism in Kenyan history. Finally, it is critical to closely review that decade's federalist advocacy in light of Kenya's adoption of a federal scheme of governance with the 2010 constitution. This is the first detailed study of federalism in Kenya during the 1940s and 1950s that provides important grounding and background for the understanding of the later emergence of majimbo in the independence era (1961-1963) and later. The book identifies the movers of federalism during the period of study as well as providing in-depth analysis of the political parties they used to promote provincial autonomy and evolution plans. These include the Federal Independence Party, the Progressive Local Government Party, and the United Party. The analysis reveals that the movers backed majimbo as a defensive mechanism. They hoped it would serve as a means of protecting and perpetuating white privilege in terms of political dominance, segregated schools and public facilities, and, most of all, exclusive European control of a large portion of the colony's productive farm land, the white highlands. Majimbo in Kenya's Past is an important book for African studies, history, and politics.