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A systematic account of the right to resist oppression and of the forms of armed force it can justify.
The Oxford Handbook of Global Justice explores an exciting area of refreshing, innovative new ideas for a changing world facing significant challenges.
In this book, leading scholars re-examine the principle of national self-determination from diverse theoretical perspectives.
The economist Albert O. Hirschman famously argued that citizens of democracies have only three possible responses to injustice or wrongdoing by their government: we may leave, complain, or comply. But in When All Else Fails, Jason Brennan argues that there is fourth option. When governments violate our rights, we may resist. We may even have a moral duty to do so. For centuries, almost everyone has believed that we must allow the government and its representatives to act without interference, no matter how they behave. We may complain, protest, sue, or vote officials out, but we can't fight back. But Brennan makes the case that we have no duty to allow the state or its agents to commit injustice. We have every right to react with acts of "uncivil disobedience." We may resist arrest for violation of unjust laws. We may disobey orders, sabotage government property, or reveal classified information. We may deceive ignorant, irrational, or malicious voters. We may even use force in self-defense or to defend others. The result is a provocative challenge to long-held beliefs about how citizens may respond when government officials behave unjustly or abuse their power
Why do so many outstanding Jewish brains (Einstein, Marx, Freud, Asimov, Arendt, Chomsky, etc.) oppose Zionism and Israel? Because they are aware of the covert alliance between Zionism and fascism. While exploring and analysing the themes of resistance throughout history, this book sheds light on these truths that the Israeli state and its Western patrons have kept hidden. Some of the main topics addressed: The book argues that there was a "secret liaison" and alliance between certain Zionist leaders and fascist regimes, especially Mussolini's Italy, during the pre-World War II period. It contends that pragmatic Zionist leaders like Ze'ev Jabotinsky collaborated with Mussolini out of self-interest despite ideological differences. They sought support for Jewish emigration and colonisation of Palestine. The book particularly highlights the 1933 Haavara Agreement as an example of Zionist-Nazi collaboration. This allowed some Jewish emigration from Germany in exchange for Zionist economic support of the Nazi regime. It argues this represented an "original sin" that compromised the moral foundations of Zionism due to collaboration with fascists and Nazis. The book argues that political Zionism has strong parallels with European colonialism and should be resisted on similar moral grounds. It views Zionism as a form of settler colonialism imposed on the indigenous Palestinian population. It contends that the Zionist movement strategically aligned itself with various imperialist powers to advance its colonial ambitions in Palestine, including Britain and later the United States. The book is highly critical of the collusion between Zionism and imperialism, arguing it undermines the moral legitimacy of the Zionist project in Palestine. It asserts that the Zionist occupation and oppression of Palestinians should be recognised as a grave injustice and condemned, just as South African apartheid eventually was. The book explores the concept of resistance. Here are some topics analysed: Anti-communism was a major form of ideological resistance, especially in the United States. This included McCarthyism and the Red Scare, where individuals and groups suspected of communist ties were targeted. Dissident movements arose within communist countries, pushing back against authoritarian rule and restrictions on civil liberties. Examples include the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia in 1968 and the Solidarity movement in Poland in the 1980s. Student protest movements in the 1960s opposed both capitalism and communism. Groups like the New Left advocated for a more egalitarian society not defined by the Cold War binary. Decolonisation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America resisted both superpowers' attempts to exert influence and control over newly independent countries. Leaders like Ho Chi Minh in Vietnam and Fidel Castro in Cuba embraced communism but asserted national autonomy. The civil rights, anti-war, and feminist movements in the U.S. challenged the political and social status quo. Activists resisted forms of oppression and inequality rooted in capitalist systems. Artists, writers, and intellectuals used culture as a form of resistance. Figures like Alexander Solzhenitsyn and Václav Havel criticised totalitarianism and censorship in their writings. Religious groups like the Catholic Church in Poland and Liberation Theology movements in Latin America resisted communist restrictions on religion. The book is the first volume of a collection: "Resistances".
For more than a century, from 1900 to 2006, campaigns of nonviolent resistance were more than twice as effective as their violent counterparts in achieving their stated goals. By attracting impressive support from citizens, whose activism takes the form of protests, boycotts, civil disobedience, and other forms of nonviolent noncooperation, these efforts help separate regimes from their main sources of power and produce remarkable results, even in Iran, Burma, the Philippines, and the Palestinian Territories. Combining statistical analysis with case studies of specific countries and territories, Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan detail the factors enabling such campaigns to succeed and, sometimes, causing them to fail. They find that nonviolent resistance presents fewer obstacles to moral and physical involvement and commitment, and that higher levels of participation contribute to enhanced resilience, greater opportunities for tactical innovation and civic disruption (and therefore less incentive for a regime to maintain its status quo), and shifts in loyalty among opponents' erstwhile supporters, including members of the military establishment. Chenoweth and Stephan conclude that successful nonviolent resistance ushers in more durable and internally peaceful democracies, which are less likely to regress into civil war. Presenting a rich, evidentiary argument, they originally and systematically compare violent and nonviolent outcomes in different historical periods and geographical contexts, debunking the myth that violence occurs because of structural and environmental factors and that it is necessary to achieve certain political goals. Instead, the authors discover, violent insurgency is rarely justifiable on strategic grounds.
While the idea of total revolution seems anachronistic today, there is increasing consensus about the importance of new forms of political, ethical, and aesthetic resistance. In the past, resistance was often motivated as a form of protest against specific institutions. Increasingly, dissent has become integrated into the fabric of modern life. This volume addresses new forms of resistance at a level that combines a rootedness in the philosophical tradition and a sensitivity to rethinking the possibility of emancipation in today's age. The work focuses on contemporary social and political philosophy from a perspective informed by critical theory. The text specifically addresses three challenges. (1) Critical theorists need to investigate in which ways resistance, conformism, and oppression oppose and constitute each other. (2) The relationship between the theory and the practice of resistance needs to be posed anew, given recent protest movements and media of protest. (3) It needs to be shown in which ways different areas of society such as the arts, religion and social media establish divergent practices of resistance. The chapters are written by scholars from Asia, Europe and North America. These experts in resistance discourse focus on practices of dissent ranging from traditional forms of civil disobedience, to more recent practices such as guerrilla protest, art, and resistance in digital networks, including social media. What unites them is a shared concern for the dimensions of political acts of resistance in an age that is characterized by a tendency to integrate and thereby neutralize those very acts.
Explores the use of armed force in occupied territory under different international law branches.
“Concise, clear and convincing. . . a vision for the country as a whole.” —James Fallows, The New York Times Book Review A leading sociologist's brilliant and revelatory argument that the future of politics, work, immigration, and more may be found in California Once upon a time, any mention of California triggered unpleasant reminders of Ronald Reagan and right-wing tax revolts, ballot propositions targeting undocumented immigrants, and racist policing that sparked two of the nation's most devastating riots. In fact, California confronted many of the challenges the rest of the country faces now—decades before the rest of us. Today, California is leading the way on addressing climate change, low-wage work, immigrant integration, overincarceration, and more. As white residents became a minority and job loss drove economic uncertainty, California had its own Trump moment twenty-five years ago, but has become increasingly blue over each of the last seven presidential elections. How did the Golden State manage to emerge from its unsavory past to become a bellwether for the rest of the country? Thirty years after Mike Davis's hellish depiction of California in City of Quartz, the award-winning sociologist Manuel Pastor guides us through a new and improved California, complete with lessons that the nation should heed. Inspiring and expertly researched, State of Resistance makes the case for honestly engaging racial anxiety in order to address our true economic and generational challenges, a renewed commitment to public investments, the cultivation of social movements and community organizing, and more.
The updated paperback edition of HATE dispels misunderstandings plaguing our perennial debates about "hate speech vs. free speech," showing that the First Amendment approach promotes free speech and democracy, equality, and societal harmony. As "hate speech" has no generally accepted definition, we hear many incorrect assumptions that it is either absolutely unprotected or absolutely protected from censorship. Rather, U.S. law allows government to punish hateful or discriminatory speech in specific contexts when it directly causes imminent serious harm. Yet, government may not punish such speech solely because its message is disfavored, disturbing, or vaguely feared to possibly contribute to some future harm. "Hate speech" censorship proponents stress the potential harms such speech might further: discrimination, violence, and psychic injuries. However, there has been little analysis of whether censorship effectively counters the feared injuries. Citing evidence from many countries, this book shows that "hate speech" are at best ineffective and at worst counterproductive. Therefore, prominent social justice advocates worldwide maintain that the best way to resist hate and promote equality is not censorship, but rather, vigorous "counterspeech" and activism.