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With oil accounting for roughly half of Colombia’s total exports, Latin America’s fourth-largest economy is feeling the effects of lower international oil prices. The negative impact of lower prices was nonetheless offset by positive performances by the retail, agriculture and financial services sectors, ensuring continued growth in 2015. Higher growth is expected in 2016 and beyond, driven in part by a raft of transport infrastructure investments, known as the fourth generation road concession programme. On the political front, the prospect of the signing of a peace accord between the government of Juan Manuel Santos Calderón and the leaders of the FARC promises to make 2016 a memorable year for Colombia. According to the National Planning Department, the peace settlement could bolster economic growth by up to 1.9 percentage points, lower security costs and signal the opening up of previously closed areas of the country to development.
The best country-by-country assessment of human rights. The human rights records of more than ninety countries and territories are put into perspective in Human Rights Watch's signature yearly report. Reflecting extensive investigative work undertaken by Human Rights Watch staff, in close partnership with domestic human rights activists, the annual World Report is an invaluable resource for journalists, diplomats, and citizens, and is a must-read for anyone interested in the fight to protect human rights in every corner of the globe.
The three most prevalent human rights problems in the country were impunity, forced displacement, and societal discrimination. An inefficient justice system, with a judiciary in which officials were subjected to threats and intimidation, limited the government's ability to prosecute effectively many individuals accused of human rights abuses, including high-level state agents and former members of paramilitary groups. The presence of drug traffickers, guerrilla fighters, and other illegal armed groups continued to displace predominantly poor and rural populations. Violence and societal discrimination against women; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons; indigenous persons; and Afro-Colombians often restricted the ability of these groups to exercise their rights.
Il 24 novembre 2016, il governo colombiano e le Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) hanno firmato un accordo volto a garantire una pace stabile e duratura alla popolazione colombiana. In seguito ad una guerra civile durata per più di cinquant'anni, il più influente gruppo di guerriglieri nel paese ha mostrato la sua determinazione a porre fine alla lotta armata contro lo Stato e a perseguire i suoi scopi politici e ideologici attraverso mezzi legali e democratici. Prendendo ispirazione dai recenti sviluppi riguardanti il caso colombiano, quest’opera mette in risalto il ruolo svolto dal Diritto Internazionale e dalle relative entità giuridiche all'interno del conflitto armato combattuto tra il governo colombiano e le FARC, nonché durante i negoziati che hanno portato alla firma dell’accordo di pace nel 2016. In particolare, il lavoro valuta la conformità delle parti belligeranti con gli obblighi stabiliti da tre principali rami del Diritto Internazionale: il Diritto Internazionale Umanitario, il Diritto Internazionale Penale e il Diritto Internazionale dei Diritti Umani. On November 24, 2016, the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) signed a final peace agreement aimed at guaranteeing a reliable and long-lasting peace to Colombia and its population. After a civil war lasted for more than five decades, the main guerrilla movement in the country has shown its determination to pursue its ideological purposes through legal and democratic means, permanently abandoning insurgency and revolutionary political aspirations. By taking inspiration from the recent developments concerning the Colombian case, this study evaluates the role played by International Law and the relevant international legal entities within the armed conflict fought between the Colombian government and the FARC, as well as during the negotiations that led to the signature of the peace agreement in 2016. Specifically, it assesses the compliance of the belligerent parties with the obligations established by three main bodies of law: International Humanitarian Law, International Criminal Law, and International Human Rights Law.
"Recycled Violence describes how flaws in the demobilization of FARC guerrillas--and in their reincorporation into society--helped prompt the formation of FARC dissident groups. These groups kill and disappear those who dare defy them, rape women and girls, recruit children, and have force thousands to flee. In all, Human Rights Watch documented abuses against more than 120 victims since mid-2016. The total number of abuses is much higher."--Page 4 of cover.
Colombia has an impressive record in extending health insurance and health services to its population, but still faces important challenges in health system performance. This report looks at what Colombia can do to ensure accessibility, quality, efficiency and sustainability.
"Haley Sweetland Edwards explains the history of global shadow courts and how these courts have spun out of control, threatening the interests of citizens everywhere including the United States. Her fantastic book is exactly what long-form journalism is meant to do, to move beyond current events and provide historical perspective that aims at future reform. SHADOW COURTS should be at the top of the reading list of all those interested in redesigning trade agreements to be in the publicinterest." -- Jeffrey D. Sachs, University Professor, Columbia University and author ofThe End of Poverty International trade deals have become vastly complex documents, seeking to govern everything from labor rights to environmental protections. This evolution has drawn alarm from American voters, but their suspicions are often vague. In this book, investigative journalist Haley Sweetland Edwards offers a detailed look at one little-known but powerful provision in most modern trade agreements that is designed to protect the financial interests of global corporations against the governments of sovereign states. She makes a devastating case that Investor-State Dispute Settlement -- a "shadow court" that allows corporations to sue a nation outside its own court system -- has tilted the balance of power on the global stage. Acorporation can use ISDS to challenge a nation's policies and regulations, if it believes those laws are unfair or diminish its future profits. From the 1960s to 2000, corporations brought fewer than 40 disputes, but in the last fifteen years, they have brought nearly 650 -- 54 against Argentina alone. Edwards conducted extensive research and interviewed dozens of policymakers, activists, and government officials in Argentina, Canada, Bolivia, Ecuador, the European Union, and in the Obama administration. The result is a major story about a significant shift in the global balance of power.
Conventional wisdom portrays war zones as chaotic and anarchic. In reality, however, they are often orderly. This work introduces a new phenomenon in the study of civil war: wartime social order. It investigates theoretically and empirically the emergence and functioning of social order in conflict zones. By theorizing the interaction between combatants and civilians and how they impact wartime institutions, the study delves into rebel behavior, civilian agency and their impact on the conduct of war. Based on years of fieldwork in Colombia, the theory is tested with qualitative and quantitative evidence on communities, armed groups, and individuals in conflict zones. The study shows how armed groups strive to rule civilians, and how the latter influence the terms of that rule. The theory and empirical results illuminate our understanding of civil war, institutions, local governance, non-violent resistance, and the emergence of political order.
This report proposes where U.S. policy toward Colombia is misguided, and explains how security assistance aimed at reducing drug production and trafficking is only one piece of a broader effort needed to extend legitimate authority in the country.
A team of examiners from the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) reviews Portugal's education system in a three-part report. Part One begins with the consequences of the 1974 revolution, Portugal's economic problems, its impending attachment to the European Economic Community, and rising public expectations about education. It continues with criticism of the Ministry of Education, which is overstaffed and has duplicate functions. The examiners propose reduction of branches and suggest the establishment of a national education advisory council and closer relations with other government agencies. A high priority for the compulsory school-level education (four primary and two preparatory grades) is improvement of standards in rural areas. Accepting the future extension of compulsory schooling from 6 to 9 years, the examiners counsel step-by-step reform of the school structure and curriculum. Education of 16-to-19 year olds is a problematic issue since upper-secondary schools are not providing adequate vocational courses. The examiners feel a solution is for Portugal to adopt a comprehensive education and training policy for that age group implemented jointly by the Ministries of Education and Labor. Part Two of the report includes a record of the review meeting between the OECD examiners and the Minister of Education and his delegates and addresses five areas of concern. The third part is a summary of the Ministry of Education's Backgroud Report of the education system in Portugal. (MD)