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The British have long boasted of their tradition of asylum for political refugees, but never with more justification than in the nineteenth century, when the legal toleration which was accorded them in Britain was nearly absolute. Not only were fugitives of all political complexions allowed into Britain, but there was for most of the century no possible way - no law on the statute book - by which they could be kept out. This, and the licence which was allowed them to agitate and conspire were greatly resented by the governments from which they had fled, and regretted only a little less by many British ministers, who sometimes found it necessary to take measures against them which were of dubious constitutional legality, and who wished, and once tried, to amend the law in order to enable them to do more. That effort, arising from Orsini's bomb plot in January 1858, resulted in the fall of the government which proposed it, and the loss by its successor of a famous state prosecution: a failure which, as this book argues, was crucial for the maintenance of the practice of toleration thereafter.
In addressing the asylum controversy in Europe today, much of the literature assumes that asylum policies result from the struggle between national interest arguing to tighten asylum and humanitarianism arguing to loosen it. This book challenges this simple tug-of-war image by examining asylum in Germany, Switzerland, and Britain from the late 1970s to the mid 1990s. The findings reveal the complex and often counter-intuitive roles national interest, international norms, and morality play in shaping asylum. It forces us to reconsider how we think about asylum and to explore alternatives to conventional assumptions.
Aims to bring alive, through the eyes of their contemporaries, three of the greatest political figures of the Victorian era - Henry, third Viscount Palmerston, Benjamin Disraeli and William Gladstone. This four-volume set draws together various documents including journals and diaries, pamphlets, correspondence, and other ephemeral literature.
Aims to bring alive, through the eyes of their contemporaries, three of the greatest political figures of the Victorian era - Henry, third Viscount Palmerston, Benjamin Disraeli and William Gladstone. This four-volume set draws together various documents including journals and diaries, pamphlets, correspondence, and other ephemeral literature. Volume 1 covers the political life of Lord Palmerston.
In Hunger Movements in Early Victorian Literature, Lesa Scholl explores the ways in which the language of starvation interacts with narratives of emotional and intellectual want to create a dynamic, evolving notion of hunger. Scholl's interdisciplinary study emphasises literary analysis, sensory history, and political economy to interrogate the progression of hunger in Britain from the early 1830s to the late 1860s. Examining works by Charles Dickens, Harriet Martineau, George Eliot, Elizabeth Gaskell, Henry Mayhew, and Charlotte Bronte, Scholl argues for the centrality of hunger in social development and understanding. She shows how the rhetoric of hunger moves beyond critiques of physical starvation to a paradigm in which the dominant narrative of civilisation is predicated on the continual progress and evolution of literal and metaphorical taste. Her study makes a persuasive case for how hunger, as a signifier of both individual and corporate ambition, is a necessarily self-interested and increasingly violent agent of progress within the discourse of political economy that emerged in the eighteenth century and subsequently shaped nineteenth-century social and political life.
During the 18th century, visitors would come and attend the British Parliament sessions in order to understand how a representative assembly could technically function, because politics is not only about ideas, but also a lot about practices and techniques. A great deal has been written on the circulation of political ideas during the 19th century, and on the part played by exiles, refugees and military volunteers in this intellectual mobility. However, less is known of what constitutes, in the end, politics: not only ideas, but practices, the material implementation of politics. How does one debate, vote, or demonstrate? What is political representation? How does one “start” a political party, and run it? All the political engineering, of the 19th century, the period of the birth of modern politics, has been the result of an intense circulation of exiles, which, along with bringing in new ideas, borrowed new ways of “making politics”. This is what this book contemplates through a wide range of examples showing how exile turned out to be, during the century of the revolutions, the laboratory of a new political grammar and of political practices resulting in the cross-fertilization between host countries and exiled communities.
Studies on exile in the 19th century tend to be restricted to national histories. This volume is the first to offer a broader view by looking at French, Italian, Hungarian, Polish, Czech and German political refugees who fled to England after the European revolutions of 1848/49. The contributors examine various aspects of their lives in exile such as their opportunities for political activities, the forms of political cooperation that existed between exiles from different European countries on the one hand and with organizations and politicians in England on the other and, finally, the attitude of the host country towards the refugees, and their perceptions of the country which had granted them asylum.
With these essays, historians contend that emancipation was not something that simply happened to enslaved peoples but rather something in which they actively participated. Their examination uncovers the various techniques employed by people of African descent across the Atlantic World, allowing a broader picture of their paths to freedom.