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“Dazzling and instructive . . . [a] magisterial new book.” —Walter Isaacson, Time "An astute analysis that illuminates many of today's critical international issues." —Kirkus Reviews Henry Kissinger offers in World Order a deep meditation on the roots of international harmony and global disorder. Drawing on his experience as one of the foremost statesmen of the modern era—advising presidents, traveling the world, observing and shaping the central foreign policy events of recent decades—Kissinger now reveals his analysis of the ultimate challenge for the twenty-first century: how to build a shared international order in a world of divergent historical perspectives, violent conflict, proliferating technology, and ideological extremism. There has never been a true “world order,” Kissinger observes. For most of history, civilizations defined their own concepts of order. Each considered itself the center of the world and envisioned its distinct principles as universally relevant. China conceived of a global cultural hierarchy with the emperor at its pinnacle. In Europe, Rome imagined itself surrounded by barbarians; when Rome fragmented, European peoples refined a concept of an equilibrium of sovereign states and sought to export it across the world. Islam, in its early centuries, considered itself the world’s sole legitimate political unit, destined to expand indefinitely until the world was brought into harmony by religious principles. The United States was born of a conviction about the universal applicability of democracy—a conviction that has guided its policies ever since. Now international affairs take place on a global basis, and these historical concepts of world order are meeting. Every region participates in questions of high policy in every other, often instantaneously. Yet there is no consensus among the major actors about the rules and limits guiding this process or its ultimate destination. The result is mounting tension. Grounded in Kissinger’s deep study of history and his experience as national security advisor and secretary of state, World Order guides readers through crucial episodes in recent world history. Kissinger offers a unique glimpse into the inner deliberations of the Nixon administration’s negotiations with Hanoi over the end of the Vietnam War, as well as Ronald Reagan’s tense debates with Soviet Premier Gorbachev in Reykjavík. He offers compelling insights into the future of U.S.–China relations and the evolution of the European Union, and he examines lessons of the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Taking readers from his analysis of nuclear negotiations with Iran through the West’s response to the Arab Spring and tensions with Russia over Ukraine, World Order anchors Kissinger’s historical analysis in the decisive events of our time. Provocative and articulate, blending historical insight with geopolitical prognostication, World Order is a unique work that could come only from a lifelong policy maker and diplomat. Kissinger is also the author of On China.
Outlines the author's vision for transforming the world into a more balanced, democratic global society, in an analysis that makes proposals for a world parliament, fairly organized trade, and debt-leveraged underdeveloped nations. Reprint.
Global governance is here--but not where most people think. This book presents the far-reaching argument that not only should we have a new world order but that we already do. Anne-Marie Slaughter asks us to completely rethink how we view the political world. It's not a collection of nation states that communicate through presidents, prime ministers, foreign ministers, and the United Nations. Nor is it a clique of NGOs. It is governance through a complex global web of "government networks." Slaughter provides the most compelling and authoritative description to date of a world in which government officials--police investigators, financial regulators, even judges and legislators--exchange information and coordinate activity across national borders to tackle crime, terrorism, and the routine daily grind of international interactions. National and international judges and regulators can also work closely together to enforce international agreements more effectively than ever before. These networks, which can range from a group of constitutional judges exchanging opinions across borders to more established organizations such as the G8 or the International Association of Insurance Supervisors, make things happen--and they frequently make good things happen. But they are underappreciated and, worse, underused to address the challenges facing the world today. The modern political world, then, consists of states whose component parts are fast becoming as important as their central leadership. Slaughter not only describes these networks but also sets forth a blueprint for how they can better the world. Despite questions of democratic accountability, this new world order is not one in which some "world government" enforces global dictates. The governments we already have at home are our best hope for tackling the problems we face abroad, in a networked world order.
"Singer and Wildavsky's distinction between a zone of peace and a zone of turmoil resonates as a crisp and straightforward distinction that possesses much explanatory power and is embedded in a deep political insight. That distinction is, in my opinion, destined to become the way we think of the new world order. I know of no recent book that competes with this one for its scope and vision combined with nontechnical analysis." —Bruce Bueno de Mesquita Silver Professor of Politics at New York University and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University
With prophetic timing, Yale-educated lawyer and broadcaster Pat Robertson takes a penetrating look at the reality and rhetoric of the "new world order" and gives a compelling assessment of the imminent dangers looming on the world's horizon.
The fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the resulting demise of Cold War bipolar politics pose a provocative question for observers of the international scene: If there is a new world order, what are its defining features and what do its current tendencies portend for the future? In The Real World Order: Zones of Peace/Zones of Turmoil, Max Singer and Aaron Wildavsky argue that no prior attempt to describe the post-Cold War world order has succeeded because none has divided the apparent disarray into its two parts: zones of peace and democracy, in which they discern a new basis for international relations, and zones of turmoil and development, where the future will be like the past, at least for a while. Singer and Wildavaky integrate political, military, cultural, and economic factors into a coherent vision of how the world works today and what it is becoming. The result is an analysis that is neither liberal nor conservative, hawk nor dove, isolationist nor interventionist, but cuts across the usual stereotypes to sketch the main outlines of a comprehensive world order and provide a realistic basis upon which all parties may debate policy. By taking the perspective of a century or two, rather than focusing on a snapshot of today or a view of a few years, and by comparing the next century with this one, during which over 40 million people were killed in wars and over 100 million by their own governments, Singer and Wildavsky approach their subject with a disconcerting optimism and find in contemporary prospects a hopeful model for progress toward global peace and prosperity. The Real World Order will set the terms for further reflection and debate, and it poses primary questions for the future: How will the stable, prosperous societies in the zones of peace protect their democracy, how will they deal with conflict that does not threaten national survival, and what responsibility will they have to mitigate the horrors of war and poverty in the zones of turmoil during the next century?
a conviction that has guided its policies ever since. Now international affairs take place on a global basis, and these historical concepts of world order are meeting. Every region participates in questions of high policy in every other, often instantaneously. Yet there is no consensus among the major actors about the rules and limits guiding this process, or its ultimate destination. The result is mounting tension. Grounded in Kissinger's deep study of history and his experience as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State, World Order guides readers through crucial episodes in recent world history. Kissinger offers a unique glimpse into the inner deliberations of the Nixon administration's negotiations with Hanoi over the end of the Vietnam War, as well as Ronald Reagan's tense debates with Soviet Premier Gorbachev in Reykjavík.
This timely and original volume fills the gaps in the existing theoretical and philosophical literature on international relations by problematizing civilization as a new unit of research in global politics. It interrogates to what extent and in what ways civilization is becoming a strategic frame of reference in the current world order. The book complements and advances the existing field of study previously dominated by other approaches – economic, national, class-based, racial, and colonial – and tests its key philosophical suppositions against countries that exhibit civilizational ambitions. The authors are all leading international scholars in the fields of political theory, IR, cultural analysis, and area studies who deal with various aspects of the civilizational arena. Offering key chapters on ideology, multipolarity, modernity, liberal democracy, and capitalism, this book extends the existing methodological, theoretical, and empirical debates for IR and area studies scholars globally. It will be of great interest to politicians, public opinion makers, and all those concerned with the evolution of world affairs.
Uses Heidegger’s philosophy to critique and remedy “world order thinking” in international politics.
After examining the global system's political volatility at the dawn of the new millenium, the book looks at how some of the identifiable system-wide trends (e.g., globalization, democratization, fragmentation, etc.) may find repercussions in the Asia Pacific. The book also addresses the question of 'comprehensive security', in comparison with other regions, in a wide range of areas subsuming economic security (geoeconomics), environmental security (ecopolitics), and human security. In addition, the book recognizes the idiosyncrasies of the region, such as the defensiveness of most Asian governments toward the protection of their financial markets against external forces following the regional financial crisis of the late 1990s.