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International intervention in failing states that threaten peace and security does not by itself make the world safer. Too often, when intervening forces are unable to change the circumstances that breed violence, the intervention stalls and old animosities reignite. If international intervention is to be effective, its first task must be the attainment of viable peace.As the editors of this groundbreaking volume explain, viable peace is achieved when the capacity of domestic institutions to resolve disputes peacefully overtakes the powerful motives and means for continued violent conflict. Getting to this point quickly demands the careful design and coordinated implementation of four mutually reinforcing strategies to moderate political conflict, defeat militant extremism, inculcate the rule of law, and establish a political economy that reduces rather than ignites conflict.Drawing on their firsthand experience of Kosovo, the contributors all seasoned practitioners and policymakers identify the concrete challenges that must be confronted and lay out the practical steps that must be taken to transform a society habituated to violent conflict into one where peace can eventually be self-sustaining.Conceptually innovative yet profoundly pragmatic, this book will change the way that international intervention is conceived and conducted.Read the review on Foreign Affairs."
Examining the shortcomings of eliciting sustainable intra-state peace through the UN system and the underlying positive peace paradigm of the liberal traditions, the book maintains that a novel positive peace vision and framework under the auspices of the UN is warranted. Building upon grievance-based explanations of violent conflicts and conflict transformation research, this book develops a comprehensive positive peace framework that involves the early tackling of identity divisions (i.e. Fundamental Conflicts) through UN facilitated deliberative and dialogical processes at the 1.5 track diplomacy level. This framework is designed to complement current UN post-conflict peacebuilding and structural prevention practice. By dealing both with how to operationalise early conflict prevention in a workable manner and developing a comprehensive yet viable positive peace approach, this book entails an extensive interdisciplinary approach and new in-depth analyses of the wide-ranging normative and policy aspects of the quest of elevating positive peace to a core objective of UN practice.
In Peace: An Idea Whose Time Has Come, noted mathematician and peace researcher Anatol Rapoport explores the evolution of the idea of peace and explains why it is displacing war as a viable institution. Professor Rapoport ventures into uncharted philosophical territory by drawing on both the natural and the social sciences to trace the development of the ideas of war and peace. He argues that the theory of evolution and processes analogous to natural selection can explain not only biological events, but also the development of the institution of war. Thus the clashes of armed hordes at the dawn of history were the "ancestors" of our present battles using automated weapons, while Isaiah's prophecy of total disarmament--"And they shall beat their swords into ploughshares"--anticipates the resolutions of the United Nations. Rapoport explains that although the institution of war enjoys a long history and continues to be a policy option today, it may soon fall into disuse, either by losing its relevance to modern life or by destroying the civilizations that practice it. He then calls attention to ideas that lie dormant until people's "ideational environment" becomes receptive to their germination: peace, Anatol Rapoport believes, is one such idea. Peace continues in the interdisciplinary tradition that has taken root in inquiries at the nexus of science and philosophy. No specific technical knowledge is expected of the reader, only a willingness to venture into little-charted areas of thought.
The Quest for Peace is an outgrowth of the author's previous work titled, "How Goes It With America," in which he stresses a closer look at the deficits in our educational, political, and social systems as well as economic stresses on family and community structures, which he suggests, emanates from inadequate treatment of youthful offenders in the criminal justice system. He also points out ways in which our society can move to higher ground and avoid the pitfalls of the past. My two careers as a juvenile probation officer and then as a school psychologist have given me a unique perspective on the state of our Nation and how it has impacted the youth of America. In addition, to my advanced degree in psycho-educational services, I also bring an undergraduate degree background in political science and history. It is my deep conviction that the health and viability of our society are a direct reflection of the health and viability of our educational systems and the integrity of our families and community support. think there is indisputable evidence of this (from developmental psychology and community sociology) if we want to focus our attention in that direction. To me it is self-evident.
As a conflict ends and the parties begin working towards a durable peace, practitioners and peacebuilders are faced with the thrilling possibilities and challenges of building new or reformed political, security, judicial, social, and economic structures. This Handbook analyzes these elements of post-conflict state building through the lens of international law, which provides a framework through which the authors contextualize and examine the many facets of state building in relation to the legal norms, processes, and procedures that guide such efforts across the globe. The volume aims to provide not only an introduction to and explanation of prominent topics in state building, but also a perceptive analysis that augments ongoing conversations among researchers, lawyers, and advocates engaged in the field.
Claude Chabrol's second film follows the fortunes of two cousins: Charles, a hard-working student who has arrived in Paris from his small hometown; and Paul, the dedicated hedonist who puts him up. Despite their differences in temperament, the two young men strike up a close friendship, until an attractive woman comes between them.
There has been a long standing need for "Measures of Effectiveness," as they are often called in the private sector, focused on diplomatic, military and development efforts in places prone to conflict. Traditionally, U.S. Government agencies have tended to measure outputs, such as the number of schools built, miles of roads paved, or numbers of insurgents killed. Outputs, however, measure what we do and not what we achieve. Outcomes, or "effects" as they are known in the military's glossaries, indicate the success or failure of project or mission efforts, since they seek to measure the attainment of conditions that engender stability and self-sustaining peace. The US government (particularly Department of Defense, US Institute of Peace, US Agency for International Development (USAID) and Department of State) has been actively working with a broad array of partners (multinational, NGOs and academia) to develop new capabilities for stability operations. The Measuring Progress in Conflict Environments (MPICE 'pronounced' M-Peace) project has developed an overarching framework of indicators that measure outcomes over time and across five sectors (Governance, Economics, Security, Rule of Law and Social Well-Being). The MPICE Framework is structured around determining conflict drivers and state/society institutional capacity, as conceptualized by USIP (Quest for Viable Peace), the Fund for Peace, and others. The premise states that if conflict stabilization and societal reconstruction is a process continuum spread between violent conflict and sustainable security at opposite ends, viable peace should be considered the middle or "tipping point" where external intervention forces can begin to hand over driving efforts to local forces and capacities. The MPICE Framework is intended to provide assessment teams with a capability to generate substantial insight into conflict environments and gauge progress with respect to this continuum.
Since 9/11, why have we won smashing battlefield victories only to botch nearly everything that comes next? In the opening phases of war in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya, we mopped the floor with our enemies. But in short order, things went horribly wrong. We soon discovered we had no coherent plan to manage the "day after." The ensuing debacles had truly staggering consequences—many thousands of lives lost, trillions of dollars squandered, and the apparent discrediting of our foreign policy establishment. This helped set the stage for an extraordinary historical moment in which America's role in the world, along with our commitment to democracy at home and abroad, have become subject to growing doubt. With the benefit of hindsight, can we discern what went wrong? Why have we had such great difficulty planning for the aftermath of war? In The Day After, Brendan Gallagher—an Army lieutenant colonel with multiple combat tours to Iraq and Afghanistan, and a Princeton Ph.D.—seeks to tackle this vital question. Gallagher argues there is a tension between our desire to create a new democracy and our competing desire to pull out as soon as possible. Our leaders often strive to accomplish both to keep everyone happy. But by avoiding the tough underlying decisions, it fosters an incoherent strategy. This makes chaos more likely. The Day After draws on new interviews with dozens of civilian and military officials, ranging from US cabinet secretaries to four-star generals. It also sheds light on how, in Kosovo, we lowered our postwar aims to quietly achieve a surprising partial success. Striking at the heart of what went wrong in our recent wars, and what we should do about it, Gallagher asks whether we will learn from our mistakes, or provoke even more disasters? Human lives, money, elections, and America's place in the world may hinge on the answer.