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When we talk about Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, armed forces and civilian governments, then controversies and uninvited misperceptions swirl in our minds. If we take in the broad picture, we inevitably conclude that not all is going in the right direction in the country; and that is because the army, politicians and the establishment perceive jihadism as a profitable business. They run this business of killings and torture through their proxies. While we study the militarized mind of Pakistani generals and recognize their resentment towards civilian governments, we find more controversies about the role of armed forces and their relationship with worldwide terrorist organizations. International journalist Musa Khan Jalalzai is ideally positioned to present us with a picture of what is actually afoot and what it means for the future. When we study the militarized mind of Pakistani generals and recognize their resentment towards civilian institutions, we find more controversies about the role of armed forces and their relationship with worldwide terrorist organizations. The Pakistan military controls the financial market, stock exchange, real estate business, banking sector, and smuggling of narcotics. Ethnic representation within the armed forces raises serious concerns. Some experts say this is not a national army but view it as the club of Pashtun and Punjabi generals. The army has failed to develop a true ethnic representation process or motivate Baloch and Sindhis to join the armed forces; but they certainly have gained experience in killing innocent civilians. Then there is the question of the Saudi investment in Pakistan's "Islamic" nuclear bomb. Saudi Arabia's link with Pakistan's nuclear and missile program has long been the source of speculation that Pakistan might either station nuclear forces on Saudi sand or provide a nuclear umbrella to the Wahabi state, in return for oil supply; or that the Saudis would purchase nuclear weapons from Pakistan. International journalist Musa Khan Jalalzai is ideally positioned to present us with a picture of what is actually afoot and what it means for the future.
Daesh is worse than the Taliban, which is now trying to bring a new ideology as Daesh-ism which is anti – Islam. This book brings out the alarming situation of presence of Daesh in Pakistan and its expanding activities. It serves the international community as a reminder the role they need to play in crushing this monster.
This monograph highlights key factors in South Asia imperiling U.S. interests, and suggests how and where the U.S. military might play an expanded, influential role. It suggests seven steps the military might take to better advance and defend U.S. interests in South Asia, the Middle East, and Asia at large. Washington should intensify involvement in South Asia and become more influential with the governments there. Given the area's potential for violence, it should also shape part of the U.S. military to meet potential crises.
"Pakistan is teetering on the brink. The country's staggering and lurching foreign policy has failed to evolve with changing political and geopolitical developments. The army and ISI lack coherent and long-term national security approach. The prolixity of the Afghan war and participation of Pakistan's jihadist black-water in it has blighted its social and political stratification. Its domestic policies are in a grief-stricken state. The two states (Islamic Republic and Military Establishment) have adopted different foreign, domestic and economic policies, and view neighbouring states with different glasses. The gradual radicalization of Pakistan army and its links with worldwide terrorist organizations over the last 70 years, poses a grave danger to the country's nuclear installations in terms of insider attacks. The spectrum of rogue and radicalized elements range from military officers to employees of Strategic Planning Division and officers of nuclear force. These aspects have been elaborated by the author in this book. The book can be an essential reading for every reader interested in Pakistan’s nuclear program and its threat of falling into hands of rogue elements."
Globalisation continues to challenge our world at unprecedented speed. Technological innovations, changing geographical developments, regional rivalries, and destruction of national critical infrastructures in several Muslim states due to the US so called war on terrorism-all transformed the structures and hierarchies of societies. The idea of development of a nation that sounds on tripods that are food, shelter and security failed. The Edward Snowden leaks challenged policy makers and the public understanding and perspectives on the role of security intelligence in liberal democratic states. The persisting imbalance of power in the United States, its institutional turmoil, and intelligence war, and the noticeably tilting power have made the country feel vulnerable and prodded it into military ventures. The calibration of Western allies around Whitehouse as the sole centre of globalization has only brought instability, destruction and loss of human lives.
In Pakistan at the Crossroads, top international scholars assess Pakistan's politics and economics and the challenges faced by its civil and military leaders domestically and diplomatically. Contributors examine the state's handling of internal threats, tensions between civilians and the military, strategies of political parties, police and law enforcement reform, trends in judicial activism, the rise of border conflicts, economic challenges, financial entanglements with foreign powers, and diplomatic relations with India, China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, and the United States. In addition to ethnic strife in Baluchistan and Karachi, terrorist violence in Pakistan in response to the American-led military intervention in Afghanistan and in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas by means of drones, as well as to Pakistani army operations in the Pashtun area, has reached an unprecedented level. There is a growing consensus among state leaders that the nation's main security threats may come not from India but from its spiraling internal conflicts, though this realization may not sufficiently dissuade the Pakistani army from targeting the country's largest neighbor. This volume is therefore critical to grasping the sophisticated interplay of internal and external forces complicating the country's recent trajectory.
This book analyses problems of governance, development and environment affecting contemporary Pakistan; issues that lie at the centre of federal and provincial policy deliberations, formulation and implementation. The book offers a comprehensive assessment of the policies, or lack thereof. Authors from a variety of disciplines empirically and conceptually evaluate latest developments, events and data regarding law and order, economic under-performance, social intolerance and climate crisis. The book offers varied perspectives on state sovereignty, civil-military relations, spousal violence, rural development, CPEC, nuclear governance and transboundary climate risk. Arguing that the conclusions should be adopted by the social, political and economic stakeholders of Pakistan, as well as the region at the higher level of governability, the book demonstrates that it would both boost national morale and inspire individuals to further investigate to come up with innovative solutions. Examining some of the most pressing and persistent problems Pakistan and South Asia is facing, the book will be of interest to academics working in the fields of Political Science, in particular South Asian Politics, Development Studies and Environmental Studies.
This book examines the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan, particularly since 1947, and analyzes its connections to the Pakistani army's corporate interests and U.S.-Pakistan relations. It includes profiles of leading Pakistani militant groups with details of their origins, development, and capabilities. The author begins with an historical overview of the introduction of Islam to the Indian sub-continent in 712 AD, and brings the story up to the present by describing President Musharraf's handling of the war on terror. He provides a detailed account of the political developments in Pakistan since 1947 with a focus on the influence of religious and military forces. He also discusses regional politics, Pakistan's attempt to gain nuclear power status, and U.S.-Pakistan relations, and offers predictions for Pakistan's domestic and regional prospects.
The definitive account of the career and legacy of the most influential Western exponent of violent jihad. Anwar al-Awlaki was, according to one of his followers, “the main man who translated jihad into English.” By the time he was killed by an American drone strike in 2011, he had become a spiritual leader for thousands of extremists, especially in the United States and Britain, where he aimed to make violent Islamism “as American as apple pie and as British as afternoon tea.” Alexander Meleagrou-Hitchens draws on extensive research among al-Awlaki’s former colleagues, friends, and followers, including interviews with convicted terrorists, to explain how he established his network and why his message resonated with disaffected Muslims in the West. A native of New Mexico, al-Awlaki rose to prominence in 2001 as the imam of a Virginia mosque attended by three of the 9/11 hijackers. After leaving for Britain in 2002, he began delivering popular lectures and sermons that were increasingly radical and anti-Western. In 2004 he moved to Yemen, where he eventually joined al-Qaeda and oversaw numerous major international terrorist plots. Through live video broadcasts to Western mosques and universities, YouTube, magazines, and other media, he soon became the world’s foremost English-speaking recruiter for violent Islamism. One measure of his success is that he has been linked to about a quarter of Islamists convicted of terrorism-related offenses in the United States since 2007. Despite the extreme nature of these activities, Meleagrou-Hitchens argues that al-Awlaki’s strategy and tactics are best understood through traditional social-movement theory. With clarity and verve, he shows how violent fundamentalists are born.
India and Pakistan have developed and flight tested seventeen new nuclear weapon delivery vehicles since testing nuclear devices in 1998 - an average of more than one per year. Military doctrines have also evolved to emphasize more rapid mobilization to engage in limited conventional warfare. Diplomacy to reduce nuclear risks has lagged far behind nuclear weapon-related advances and doctrinal change. Since 1998, Pakistan and India have negotiated four notable military-related Confidence-Building and Nuclear Risk Reduction Measures. No new measures have been agreed upon since 2007. There is no basis for deterrence stability on the Subcontinent when diplomacy and nuclear risk reduction are moribund while nuclear capabilities grow and military doctrines evolve. The most desirable off-ramp to increased nuclear dangers is to secure normal relations with a nuclear-armed neighbor. This collection of essays - the product of bi-monthly discussions at the Stimson Center - provides analysis and ideas for deterrence stability and escalation control on the Subcontinent. This pursuit awaits leadership in India and Pakistan that is strong enough to persist in the face of violent acts designed to disrupt progress.