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This book examines the feasibility, content and likely economic impact of a free trade agreement between the European Union and Ukraine. The authors find that a simple and shallow free trade agreement, adding only the elimination of tariffs on trade in goods to the conditions for Ukraine's accession to the WTO, is the most easily feasible option, but would yield only modest benefits for Ukraine and less still for the EU. By contrast, they argue that a deep free trade agreement with the EU, while posing more difficult issues of feasibility, could be a centerpiece of an economic strategy leading Ukraine into rapid growth. Politically, this step would be consistent with Ukraine's European choice and would also be of value to the EU economy in meeting the challenges of globalization and Asian competition. Contributors include T. Huw Edwards (Loughborough University), Ildar Gazizullin, Vira Nanivska, and Olga Shumylo (International Centre for Policy Studies, Kyiv), Daniel Müller-Jentsch (European Commission/World Bank Office for South-East Europe), Matthias Lücke (Kiel Institute for the World Economy), Valeriy Pyatnytskiy (First Deputy Minister of Economy and European Integration, Ukraine), Andreas Schneider (CEPS), Rainer Schweickert (Kiel Institute for the World Economy), and Olexandr Shevtsov (United Nations Development Program, Ukraine).
In The EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, Guillaume Van der Loo provides the first comprehensive legal analysis of this complex and controversial international agreement. While key political and legal hurdles towards the signing and conclusion of this agreement are analysed, its scope and contents are scrutinised and contrasted to other international agreements concluded by the EU. Specific attention is devoted to the ambitious “deep and comprehensive free trade area” and the unique provisions related to Ukraine’s approximation to the EU acquis. In particular, this book explores to what extent the agreement can be considered a new legal instrument for ‘EU integration without membership’.
Diploma Thesis from the year 2015 in the subject Economics - International Economic Relations, grade: 1,3, University of Leipzig, language: English, abstract: The Association Agreement, which was signed between the European Union and Ukraine in 2014, opened a big discussion about new challenges in Europe. Many European countries signed similar Agreements and became very quickly therafter full members of the EU. Nowadays there are a lot of opinions and myths about what exactly the Ukrainian Association is, and, in general, where it should bring Ukraine and Europe. This research paper explores the objectives pursued by the EU and Ukraine by the time they signed the Agreement. It provides a full analysis and interpretation of its content and describes how Ukrainian attempt to get closer to the European Union changed the geo-political situation in Europe. This paper is important as it will cast in light the background of the present tragical events in Ukraine and will provide deeper knowledge about the situation. The main hypotheses of this work are as follows: 1. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU does not give any guarantees for the accession to the EU and could only be seen as the basis of a prospective future membership. 2. The access to the European integration of Ukraine in the EaP is precluded because of inflexible and “naive” policy of the EU. The ENP has failed and needs to be reconsidered. 3. Russian permanent intervention in the policy decision-making of Ukraine slowdowns its integration towards Western Europe. The paper will be a mixture of description and “data followed by analysis”, going gradually more in depth from the negotiation process to the conclusion of the AA between Ukraine and the EU. To make the argument easy to follow, chronological analysis will be used in dealing with the interval of 2007-2015 (from the beginning of negotiations to the implementation process of the AA).
European Union, firstly, attempted to initialize relations with its close neighboring countries which had newly become independent from Soviet Union and yet could not get rid of the Soviet influence inherited by Russian Federation. Among these independence republics, however, Ukraine was the more attractive country. EU commenced its relations with Ukraine and the rest of new republics under the partnership and cooperation agreement, 1994. However, it was not enough for the closer ties between EU and Ukraine. Thereby, EU triggered its DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement) in relations with Ukraine. DCFTA was the core objective of negotiations between EU and Ukraine despite that both sides had conditionality in ratifying this trade agreement in terms of human rights, series of issue in modernizing and adjusting economy and trade in Ukraine in accordance with European standard etc. However, all hopes and desires were dashed after Victor Yanukovych's rejection and it caused thousands of people to protest in Maiden movement, then in its aftermath, leading to the eruption of Civil War and Russian annexation of Crimea. As a result September 2014 the EU postponed implementing the DCFTA until January 2016.
The implementation of the Association Agreement (AA), including the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), between the EU and Ukraine has brought about a qualitatively new situation in the development of border regions and regional societies on both sides of the Schengen border. This volume’s comparative study of the impacts of the AA and the DCFTA on borderlands in Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania will contribute to the identification of new opportunities for cross-border cooperation and policy considerations for its further development.
by Viktor A. Yushchenko, Prime Minister of Ukraine The intensification of the integration processes on our continent entirely coincides with the national interests of Ukraine, a country which is undoubtedly European both geographically and politically. What kind of Europe do we now have, and what should it be in the future? What should the role of Ukrainian society be in the economic, social, and cultural integration of the countries on the European continent? These questions are the subject of research and scientific analysis by the well-known economists whose work is contained in this book. Let there be no doubt, the strategic goal of Ukraine's foreign policy is the active participation of our country in the European integration process. Thus, the move toward co-operation and gradual integration with the European Union was defined as one of the main priorities of the Ukrainian Government's programme "Reforms for Well-being", which is based on President Leonid Kuchma's speech "Ukraine: Steps into XXI century" and was approved by the Ukrainian Parliament. This move is not a hasty response to a new trend, but rather a pragmatic decision since the EU will define the face of Europe for the next century.
Lars Handrich German Advisory Group on Economic Reforms with the Ukrainian Government 1 Ukraine on the way to WTO membership The first announcements by Ukraine to join the World Trade Organisation (WTO) were made in 1993. In the following year the Working group on Ukraine's accession was established. But successive Ukrainian governments had to sideline the issue of WTO accession, as the country went through a decade of unprecedented and severe economic decline. Only in the year 2000 the Ukrainian economy started to achieve positive real economic growth. Since then Ukraine embarked on a stable path of economic growth and continues to grow even under conditions ofa sluggish world economy and protectionist reflexes in some ofUkraine's export markets. According to the macroeconomic forecast of the Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting Ukrainian GDP will grow by 5,4% in 2003 in real terms and by 5,I% 1 in 2004. For Ukraine WTO accession is of special importance. Ukraine records an extremely high exports-to-GDP ratio of over 60% - almost twice the ratio for Germany.' The large ratio and the little diversified structure ofUkraine's imports and exports make Ukraine seriously vulnerable to external shocks resulting from changes in trade regimes. Joining the WTO, trade among WTO members amounting to more then 90% of world trade, could reduce the risks related to external trade and Ukraine could derive substantial economic and hence welfare benefits from the membership in WTO.