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The first decade of independence (1943-1952) was crucial to the political history of Lebanon, following the creation of the state in 1920 and the subsequent years of French tutelage. This period is defined by the presidency of Bishara al-Khuri, the first elected president, a founding father who played a vital part in forming the distinctive character of the Lebanese state and in Lebanon's later history, both rich and successful and troubled and tragic. During this period the old order in Lebanon, shaped over centuries, clashed with a 'new order', transforming Lebanese politics and society. Khuri's task was to protect Lebanon's fragile independence and to try to ensure political stability among warring factions – strife which in 1975 erupted in civil war causing immense disruption and suffering in Lebanon and with deep and widespread national and international effect. This study draws on a wide range of primary and secondary sources including official state papers and private collections from Britain, France, the USA, Lebanon and Israel. _Contents_: Introduction: The Birth of the Lebanese State; First Steps Along a New Road; The 1943 Elections; The National Pact; The November 1943 Crisis; Between East and West – Lebanon on the International and Regional Scene; Domestic Challenges – 1943–1947; At the Peak of Power; The 1948 War in Palestine; The Syrian Lebanese Crisis; The Confrontation with the PPS (1947–1949); Khuri and Sulh: a Parting of the Ways; Rift with the West; The Overthrow
In France's Third Republic, secularism was, for its adherents, a new faith, a civic religion founded on a rabid belief in progress and the Enlightenment conviction that men (and women) could remake their world. And yet with all of its pragmatic smoothing over of the supernatural edges of Catholicism, the Third Republic engendered its own fantastical ways of seeing by embracing observation, corporeal dynamism, and imaginative introspection. How these republican ideals and the new national education system of the 1870s and 80s - the structure meant to impart these ideals - shaped belle époque popular culture is the focus of this book. The author reassesses the meaning of secularization and offers a cultural history of this period by way of an interrogation of several fraught episodes which, although seemingly disconnected, shared an attachment to the potent moral and aesthetic directives of French republicanism: a village's battle to secularize its schools, a scandalous novel, a vaudeville hit featuring a nude celebrity, and a craze for female boxing. Beginning with the writer and performer Colette (1873-1954) as a point of entry, this re-evaluation of belle époque popular culture probes the startling connections between republican values of labor and physical health on the one hand, and the cultural innovations of the decades preceding World War I on the other.
A wide-reaching analysis of post-World War II U.S. policy in Lebanon posits that the politics of oil and pipelines figured far more significantly in U.S. relations with Lebanon than previously believed. By reevaluating U.S.-Lebanese relations within the context of America's collaborative intervention with the Lebanese ruling elite, Gendzier aptly demonstrates how oil, power, and politics drove U.S. policy as well as influenced the development of the state and region of Lebanon.
Border fixity—the proscription of foreign conquest and the annexation of homeland territory—has, since World War II, become a powerful norm in world politics. This development has been said to increase stability and peace in international relations. Yet, in a world in which it is unacceptable to challenge international borders by force, sociopolitically weak states remain a significant source of widespread conflict, war, and instability. In this book, Boaz Atzili argues that the process of state building has long been influenced by external territorial pressures and competition, with the absence of border fixity contributing to the evolution of strong states—and its presence to the survival of weak ones. What results from this norm, he argues, are conditions that make internal conflict and the spillover of interstate war more likely. Using a comparison of historical and contemporary case studies, Atzili sheds light on the relationship between state weakness and conflict. His argument that under some circumstances an international norm that was established to preserve the peace may actually create conditions that are ripe for war is sure to generate debate and shed light on the dynamics of continuing conflict in the twenty-first century.