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Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - Region: USA, grade: 2,0, University of Marburg (Politikwissenschaften), course: Reformperspektiven der Vereinten Nation, language: English, abstract: The United States of America are one of the most important UN member states regarding their power which can be determined by their contribution to the UN Budgetary System. This essay tries to figure out the main strategy of the U.S. American UN reform process. In some ways it is completely different to the strategies of other member states. After the introduction in chapter 1, chapter 2 shortly introduces the U.S. as a member of the UN. Subsequently, chapter 3 describes the position of the United States concerning their priorities in the UN reform process where as chapter 3.1 to 3.3 lay down the three main priorities “Management and Budget”, “Human Rights Commission” and “Security Council”. Further reforms concerning Development, the Peace Building Commission, Democracy Initiatives and the UN Democracy Fund as well as the Comprehensive Convention on Terrorism are summarized in chapter 3.4. The last chapter 4 will provide an evaluation of the American strategy and will give a view on its effects on the UN reform process.
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) remains an important source of legitimacy for international action. Yet despite dramatic changes in the international system over the past forty-five years, the composition of the UNSC has remained unaltered since 1965, and there are many who question how long its legitimacy will last without additional members that reflect twenty-first century realities. There is little agreement, however, as to which countries should accede to the Security Council or even by what formula aspirants should be judged. Reform advocates frequently call for equal representation for various regions of the world, but local competitors like India and Pakistan or Mexico and Brazil are unlikely to reach a compromise solution. Moreover, the UN Charter prescribes that regional parity should be, at most, a secondary issue; the ability to advocate and defend international peace and security should, it says, be the primary concern.The United States has remained largely silent as this debate has intensified over the past decade, choosing to voice general support for expansion without committing to specifics. (President Obama's recent call for India to become a permanent member of the Security Council was a notable exception.) In this Council Special Report, 2009?2010 International Affairs Fellow Kara C. McDonald and Senior Fellow Stewart M. Patrick argue that American reticence is ultimately unwise. Rather than merely observing the discussions on this issue, they believe that the United States should take the lead. To do so, they advocate a criteria-based process that will gauge aspirant countries on a variety of measures, including political stability, the capacity and willingness to act in defense of international security, the ability to negotiate and implement sometimes unpopular agreements, and the institutional wherewithal to participate in a demanding UNSC agenda. They further recommend that this process be initiated and implemented with early and regular input from Congress; detailed advice from relevant Executive agencies as to which countries should be considered and on what basis; careful, private negotiations in aspirant capitals; and the interim use of alternate multilateral forums such as the Group of Twenty (G20) to satisfy countries' immediate demands for broader participation and to produce evidence about their willingness and ability to participate constructively in the international system.The issues facing the world in the twenty-first century--climate change, terrorism, economic development, nonproliferation, and more--will demand a great deal of the multilateral system. The United States will have little to gain from the dilution or rejection of UNSC authority. In UN Security Council Enlargement and U.S. Interests, McDonald and Patrick outline sensible reforms to protect the efficiency and utility of the existing Security Council while expanding it to incorporate new global actors. Given the growing importance of regional powers and the myriad challenges facing the international system, their report provides a strong foundation for future action.
Since its establishment in 1945, the U.N. has been in a constant state of transition as various international stakeholders seek ways to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the U.N. system. Recent controversies, such as corruption of the Iraq Oil-For-Food Program, allegations of sexual abuse by U.N. peacekeepers, and instances of waste, fraud and abuse by U.N. staff, have focused renewed attention on the need for change and improvement of the U.N. Contents of this report: (1) Introduction; (2) Background; (3) Recently Adopted and/or Implemented Reforms and the New Secretary-General; (4) Congress and U.N. Reform; (5) Administrative Policies; (6) Reform Perspectives and Priorities; (7) Implementing Reform: Mechanics and Possible Challenges.
The United Nations Was Set Up At The End Of The Second World War, In 1945, To Replace The Ill-Fated League Of Nations. The United States, The United Kingdom, Russia (Former Ussr), France And China Are Permanent Members Of The Security Council, The Most Powerful Organ Of The United Nations. At That Time, The United States Was The Most Powerful Country Economically, Technologically And Militarily. It Has Been Playing A Dominant Role In All Decisions Taken By The United Nations And Its Affiliated Agencies. It Has Been Dominating Other Countries And Flouting The Rules And Provisions Of The United Nations. To Give A Concrete Example, The Grant Of Loans By The World Bank, Imf And Ifc Is Substantially Influenced By The United States, Instead Of Being Guided By Commercial And Financial Prudence. During The Last Six Decades, The Position Of The World Has Substantially Changed In Regard To The Economic, Military And Technological Power. This Has Necessitated The Redrawing Of The United Nations And Its Various Agencies. Unfortunately, This Is Being Strongly Resisted By The United States And Other Permanent Members Of The Security Council. The Volumes Include Viewpoints Of The Secretary-General As Well As All The Important Countries In Regard To The Reforms Of The United Nations. They Also Include A Large Number Of Documents Concerning These Reforms. A Detailed Bibliography Has Been Included To Enable The Inquisitive Readers To Pursue The Subject Further. The Volumes Would Be Found Highly Useful By The Students, Researchers And Teachers Of Political Science And Economics. They Would Also Be Useful For Executives And Parliamentarians Of All The Countries Concerned With The Working Of The United Nations And Its Agencies.
Reforming the United Nations - Fit for Purpose at 75? - examines the efforts of Secretary-General, António Guterres, to improve the aging organisation. Priorities centred on development, peace, and management. The reform was respectable but did not address fundamental problems.
Edward C. Luck, President Emeritus, Senior Policy Advisor, United Nations Association of the United States of America This book is important reading for anyone interested in the future of the UN. It contains hundreds of reform ideas, most of them sound, all of them stimulating. The diversity of views and subjects reflects the breadth of the UN’s global agenda and the exemplary contributions Canadians have made to the world body. Many of Canada’s UN experts are represented here; their work will remind us to look for inspiration and perspective when the going gets tough at Turtle Bay! Major-General (Ret’d) Lewis W. MacKenzie, First Commander; UN Forces, Sarajevo The 50th Anniversary of the United Nations – a wake or a cause for celebration? The euphoria following the signing of the UN Charter in San Francisco in 1945 soon fell victim to a 45-year Cold War. Now, when the oppressed and destitute of the world need it more than ever, the UN finds itself handcuffed by potentially terminal systemic deficiencies. Tinkering won’t do - major reforms are required and the plethora of relevant ideas and recommendations set forth in this book provide leaders, policy makers and interested observers with much food for thought. Joe Sills, Spokesman for the Secretary-General, United Nations This valuable collection of essays covers a broad range of UN activities. In addition to careful analysis, it offers many suggestions for strengthening the UN as it enters its second half-century. Brian Urquhart, Former Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations, Scholar-in-Residence, International Affairs Program, Ford Foundation This "festschrift" for the 50th Anniversary of the United Nations is really something to rejoice about – a stimulating, readable and comprehensive set of comments on where the world organization is, how it got there and where it ought to be going. A breath of fresh air – oxygen even – for the UN on its 50th birthday. Major-General Indarjit Rikhye, Founding President, international Peace Academy and former Military Advisor to UN Secretary-Generals Dag Hammarskjold and U Thant The opportunity provided by the end of the Cold War to achieve the great objectives of the UN Charter must not be missed through failures in Somalia, Bosnia and Rwanda. The contributors to this book, with their thoughtful papers and recommendations for reform, encourage belief in the possibility of reinvigoration of the UN, so that the hopes placed in the organization in 1945 might after all be fulfilled. Benjamin Rivlin, Director, Ralph Bunche Institute on the UN This book presents an honest and sober reply to the mindless critics of the United Nations who have made multilateralism the whipping boy of their own short-sightedness. Mindful of the UN’s shortcomings, this excellent collection of essays, based on careful analysis, points out clearly nevertheless the direction the organized world must take and the indispensable role the United Nations must play in shaping a just and peaceful future for humanity.
Identifies the major weaknesses in the current United Nations system and proposes fundamental reforms to address each. This title is also available as Open Access.
At the 72nd United Nations (UN) General Assembly on 18 September 2017, 120 countries expressed their commitment to the reforms proposed by UN Secretary-General António Guterres. Since 1946, the UN has undergone a number of reforms either in whole or in part. The term 'reform' has proved troublesome for UN member states on account of its lack of clarity and the lack of consensus as to execution. This is particularly apparent in the scepticism expressed by the United States (US) in 2018 regarding the need for global governance, the importance of UN Security Council decisions such as the Iran nuclear deal, and the efficiency of the United Nations. This briefing explains how the current reform differs from previous ones, in as much as it focuses on management and addresses the criticisms of a lack of accountability and transparency, ineffectiveness, and the deficit in trust between the organisation and its member states in the current system. The United Nations reform agenda centres on three key areas: development, management, and peace and security. First, development reform will bring a bold change to the UN development system in order to achieve the goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This will be centred on the creation of a new generation of country teams led by an independent team of UN country experts ('resident coordinators'). Second, the simplification of processes, increased transparency and improved delivery of mandates will form the basis of a new management paradigm for the secretariat. Third, peace and security reform will be underpinned by placing priority on conflict prevention and peacekeeping, increasing the effectiveness and coherence of peacekeeping operations and political missions. Two years after its launch, the reform process is starting to bear fruit, with implementation set to begin in 2019 and a focus on streamlining, accountability, transparency and efficiency. However, the reform process does not make explicit mention of bolstering human rights. This briefing also explores the possibility of capitalising on the current reforms so as to boost the indivisibility of human rights, while taking stock of stakeholders' reactions to the UN reforms under way.