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In 2008, Northern Nigeria had the greatest number of confirmed cases of polio in the world and was the source of outbreaks in several West African countries. Elisha P. Renne explores the politics and social dynamics of the Northern Nigerian response to the Global Polio Eradication Initiative, which has been met with extreme skepticism, subversion, and the refusal of some parents to immunize their children. Renne explains this resistance by situating the eradication effort within the social, political, cultural, and historical context of the experience of polio in Northern Nigeria. Questions of vaccine safety, the ability of the government to provide basic health care, and the role of the international community are factored into this sensitive and complex treatment of the ethics of global polio eradication efforts.
Bibliography p. 32-33.
Through the lens of polio, Dóra Vargha looks anew at international health, communism and Cold War politics. This title is also available as Open Access.
Veils, Turbans, and Islamic Reform in Northern Nigeria tells the story of Islamic reform from the perspective of dress, textile production, trade, and pilgrimage over the past 200 years. As Islamic reformers have sought to address societal problems such as poverty, inequality, ignorance, unemployment, extravagance, and corruption, they have used textiles as a means to express their religious positions on these concerns. Home first to the early indigo trade and later to a thriving textile industry, northern Nigeria has been a center for Islamic practice as well as a place where everything from women's hijabs to turbans, buttons, zippers, short pants, and military uniforms offers a statement on Islam. Elisha P. Renne argues that awareness of material distinctions, religious ideology, and the political and economic contexts from which successive Islamic reform groups have emerged is important for understanding how people in northern Nigeria continue to seek a proper Islamic way of being in the world and how they imagine their futures—spiritually, economically, politically, and environmentally.
Through the eyes of northern Nigerian Qur'anic students, this book explores what it truly means to be young, poor, and Muslim.
In 1988, the World Health Organization launched a twelve-year campaign to wipe out polio. Thirty years and several billion dollars over budget later, the campaign grinds on, vaccinating millions of children and hoping that each new year might see an end to the disease. But success remains elusive, against a surprisingly resilient virus, an unexpectedly weak vaccine and the vagaries of global politics, meeting with indifference from governments and populations alike. How did an innocuous campaign to rid the world of a crippling disease become a hostage of geopolitics? Why do parents refuse to vaccinate their children against polio? And why have poorly paid door-to-door healthworkers been assassinated? Thomas Abraham reports on the ground in search of answers.
The year 2008 witnessed a polio outbreak in Nigeria, with new international spread to bordering countries, persistent importations in south-central Africa and Sudan and the largest outbreak of polio in eight years in Pakistan. Elsewhere, western Uttar Pradesh in India - historically the world's most entrenched reservoir of polio but free of indigenous poliovirus type 1 for more than a year - was re-infected by a virus from a neighbouring state. By the end of the year, the number of children paralysed by polio in 2008 had returned to 1999 levels. And yet 2008 has proved to be a turning point in the fight against polio. To say 2008 was an arduous year in polio eradication is an understatement. To say it was a watershed for polio eradication is not. Against a sobering epidemiological backdrop, the progress made - in key political, technical, financial and operational areas - led the ACPE and SAGE1 to conclude in November 2008 that the intensified eradication effort had shown that the remaining challenges in the four polio-endemic countries could be overcome. First and foremost, all tiers of government in key polio- infected countries - from central to local levels - have realized the level of support and effort required to finish polio eradication and are engaging in the global effort as never before. In addition to financial and operational commitments, the remaining countries with indigenous polio - Nigeria, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan - now have special mechanisms to monitor the performance of eradication activities and hold local authorities accountable for their quality. Secondly, these efforts are being closely watched and frankly assessed. Following the re-infection of West Africa, for example, the international community has refocused its attention on key polio-affected countries, especially Nigeria, with a World Health Assembly Resolution (WHA) in May 2008 tasking each endemic country - by name - to act. Thirdly, the donor community has remained determined in the face of continued transmission of polio. Mindful that meeting established global health goals demands extraordinary perseverance, donors have redoubled efforts to finish the final lap. In January 2009, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation announced a further US$ 255 million grant for polio eradication to Rotary International, which the latter pledged to match with another US$ 100 million, bringing to US$ 200 million Rotary's matching funds in the past year alone. That same month, the United Kingdom announced a multi-year contribution of US$ 150 million, and Germany signalled its intention to provide US$ 130 million. By the end of the year, these global developments and country-specific strategies were showing an impact on wild poliovirus transmission. In India, monthly vaccination campaigns in the highest-risk areas, using monovalent vaccine, have reduced wild poliovirus type 1 - the more dangerous of the two remaining strains - to record lows. In Nigeria, stronger leadership at state level brought about new commitments to accountability for the quality of vaccination campaigns. By early 2009, the proportion of children with no polio vaccination in the highest-risk states of northern Nigeria fell to under 10% for the first time ever. In Afghanistan, teams exploited lulls in the conflict in the southern region to enter normally inaccessible areas and give children an additional dose of monovalent vaccine between large-scale campaigns. Pakistan started using finger-marking of vaccinated children to objectively measure coverage, thereby introducing real accountability of local authorities. With new multi-sectoral activities, the country laid the ground for the Prime Minister's Action Plan for Polio Eradication, launched in early 2009. Meanwhile, ongoing research in social attitudes, the development of new vaccines and behaviour of the poliovirus is expanding the current state of knowledge. In March 2008, Somalia became polio-free once again, demonstrating that full application of international outbreak response guidelines can stop the virus even in the most difficult conditions. This Annual Report of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) features progress made in 2008 towards the objectives defined in the GPEI Strategic Plan for 2004-08 and reports on intensified eradication activities.
From remote villages and nomadic encampments to World Health Organization headquarters, a vivid ethnography of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative
This casebook collects 64 case studies each of which raises an important and difficult ethical issue connected with planning, reviewing or conducting health-related research. The book's purpose is to contribute to thoughtful analysis of these issues by researchers and members of research ethics committees (REC's known in some places as ethical review committees or institutional review boards) particularly those involved with studies that are conducted or sponsored internationally. . This collection is envisioned principally as a tool to aid educational programs from short workshops on research.