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First published in 1963.
This study traces the development of Mao's political thinking from his earliest writings to the beginning of the Long March. In a thorough examination of the early years, the author delineates Mao's distinctive perspectives, political concerns, and leadership style—the enduring components of his political identity. The analysis goes to the roots of Mao's thinking—the crucible of action—in order to demonstrate the fundamental unity of theory and practice which constituted the leading principle of Mao's thought, an approach to politics that was a major innovation within both the Chinese and Marxist political traditions.
As a member of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs, I am necessarily concerned about the future role of Communist China in world affairs. A true understanding of Peking's foreign policy motives and objectives is possible only if one has a grasp of the ideological foundations and conflicts of the contemporary leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. Therein lies the value of Professor Yung Ping Chen's revised edition Chinese Political Thought: Mao Tse-tung and Liu Shao-chi. Within a compact number of pages, Professor Chen's book provides the rt~ader with a clear and ready grasp of the fundamentals of Com munist Chinese ideology. Although its scholarship is evident, the work's interpretation do not overwhelm the reader with lengthy quotations or confuse him with excessive speculations-difficulties sometimes associa ted with books about China. Instead, Professor Chen appears to have the ability to reduce complicated ideas to manageable proportions. In his revised edition, the author makes use of source material which recently has become available outside China to clarify issues involved in the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution." That phenomenon, which has caused so much wonder and speculation in the West, is analyzed by Professor Chen. He describes for the reader the underlying ideological factors which have emerged from the great turmoil in China, placing them within a framework of verified historical events while avoiding the pitfall of endless theorizing about situations and events inside China about which too little is yet known.
The author investigates the internal logic and evolution of Mao's theory in terms of various themes. Beginning with a consideration of conflict, which in Mao's view is a given and permanent component of society, Professor Starr then takes up the individual concepts of knowledge and action, authority, class and class conflict, organization, participation and representation, political education, political history, and political development. Originally published in 1979. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Professor Schram offers a fascinating and sure-footed analysis of Mao's intellectual itinerary.
The year 1979 ushered in a new phase in China's long and continuous revolu tion. Currently, this new phase is being symbolically referred to, by the Chinese leaders themselves, as the 'New Long March' (a continuation of the legendary and historical Long March) in terms of modernization, which comprises the Four Modernizations: Agriculture, Industry, Science and Technology, and Military Defense. Such an all-encompassing attempt at modernization may appear, to some at least, to be something new, or may indicate a radical shift in her policy. But upon closer examination, this decision seems only to reflect an historical continuity in terms of the two major long-term goals of the Chinese Revolution: 'national independence' and 'modernization' (or 'industrialization'). The former would make China strong; the latter, wealthy. For, ever since the Opium War in 1840 and throughout the Revolutions of 1911 and 1949, China has always pursued these two revolutionary goals, though with different emphases at different times. This has been especially true during the past three decades as this twofold goal has dictated all of China's important policies, both domestic and foreign. In other words, while the concrete policies may have appeared to be lacking in unity at times, they have been formulated with the specific intent of achieving national independence and modernization. From this perspective, the New Long March marks the passage of post-Mao China beyond the transition of succession toward the continued pursuit of the same revolutionary goals.